TRANSLATED AND EDITED
BY
ALFRED ACTON

SWEDENBORG SCIENTIFIC ASSOCIATION
BRYN ATHYN, PENNSYLVANIA
1948

Dedicated
to the
SWEDENBORG SCIENTIFIC
ASSOCIATION
on the
Fiftieth Anniversary of its
Founding.
1938-1948

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
Preface 1
Swedberg to Benzelius, Brunsbo, July 13, 1709 2
Swedberg to Benzelius, Brunsbo, March 6, 1710 7
Polhem to Benzelius, July 16, 1710 9
Swedberg to Benzelius, London, Oct., 1710 12
Swedberg to Benzelius, London, April, 1711 18
Elfvius to Swedberg, Upsala, July 28, 1711 25
Swedberg to Benzelius, London, August 1711 28
Oxford 35
Swedberg to Benzelius, London, August 1712 38
Holland 43
Swedberg to Benzelius, Paris, August 9, 1713 49
The Hague, Hamburg 54
Swedberg to Benzelius, Rostock, Sept. 8, 1714 55
Swedberg to Benzelius, Greifswalde, April 4, 1715 61
Return to Sweden 63
Swedberg to Benzelius, Brunsbo, August 9, 1715 64
Upsala 67
Swedberg to Benzelius, Stockholm, Nov. 21, 1715 69
Polhem to Swedberg, Stiernsund, Dec. 7, 1715 73
Swedberg to Benzelius, Stockholm, Dec. 1715 74
Polhem to Swedberg, Stiernsund, Dec. 19, 1715 78
Starbo 83
Swedberg to Benzelius, Skrviken, Feb. 14, 1716 85
Swedberg to Benzelius, Brunsbo, March 4, 1716 89
Swedberg to Benzelius, Brunsbo, March 19, 1716 92
Benzelius to Swedberg, Upsala, April 2, 1716 95
Swedberg to Benzelius, Brunsbo, April 1716 100
Swedberg to Benzelius, Brunsbo, June 12, 1716 105
Swedberg to Benzelius, Brunsbo, June 26, 1716 109
Swedberg to Benzelius, Brunsbo, Sept. 1716 112
Polhem to Swedberg, Stiernsund, Sept. 5, 1716 114
Polhem to Swedberg, Stiernsund, end of Sept., 1716 117
Swedberg to Upsala Academy, Upsala, Oct. 1716 120
Preface to Daedalus Hyperboreus 122
Draft memorial on Mechanical Laboratory 123
Lund 124
Memorial on Improvements at Karlscrona, Dec. 1716 132
Three Points for the King 134
Swedberg to Benzelius, Karlscrona, Dec. 1716 135
Swedberg to Benzelius, Gothenburg, Jan. 22, 1717 138
Memorial on Salt Making, Strmstad, Jan. 1717 140
Swedberg to Benzelius, Stiernsund, Feb. 1717 144
Starbo 148
Swedberg to Benzelius, Stockholm, March 24, 1717 149
Polhem to Swedberg, Stiernsund, March 27, 1717 150
Polhem to Swedberg, Stiernsund, April 3, 1717 152
Swedberg to Benzelius, Stockholm, April 3, 1717 152
Memorial on Manufactures, Lund, June 10, 1717 155
Swedberg to Benzelius, Lund, June 26, 1717 157
Brunsbo 160
Memorial on Paper Manufacture, August 1717 161
Karlscrona 162
Swedberg to Benzelius, Brunsbo, Dec. 17171 163
Swedberg to Benzelius, Brunsbo, Jan. 7, 1718 165
Bishop Swedberg to Rosenadler, Brunsbo, Feb. 28, 1718 167
Swedberg to Benzelius, Brnunsbo, Jan. 1718 169
Swedberg to Benzelius, Brunsbo, Jan. 21, 1718 173
Swedberg to Benzelius, Starbo, Jan. 30, 1718 178
Swedberg to Benzelius, Starbo, Feb., 1718 182
Karlsgraf 184
Swedberg to Benzelius, Wennersborg, May 1718 186
Swedberg to Benzelius, Wennersborg, August 4, 1718 189
Swedberg to Upphandlings Deputation, Wennersborg, August 4, 1718 189
Strmstad 191
Swedberg to Benzelius, Wennersborg, Sept. 14, 1718 192
Memorial on Sluice Work, Wennersborg, Sept. 15, 1718 194
Swedberg to Benzelius, Brunsbo, October 5, 1718 198
Karlsgraf 199
Swedberg to Benzelius, Brunsbo, December 8, 1718 202
Proposal for Redemption of Token Currency, Stockholm, Feb. 26, 1719 205
Upsala, Swedberg ennobled. Brunsbo 212
Swedenborg to Benzelius, Stockholm, Nov. 3, 1719 213
Swedenberg to Benzelius, Stockholm, No. 26, 1719 219
Swedenborg to Benzelius, Stockholm, Dec. 1, 1719 223
Swedenborg to Benzelius, Stockholm, Feb. 11, 1720 227
Swedenborg to Benzelius, Stockholm, Feb. 24, 1720 228
Swedenborg to Benzelius, Stockholm, Feb. 29, 1720 230
Swedenborg to Benzelius, Stockholm, March 3, 1720 233
Swedenborg to Benzelius, Brunsbo, April 12, 1720 235
Swedenborg to Benzelius, Stockholm, May 2, 1720 236
Swedenborg to Bergscollegium, Skinnskatteberg, June 19, 1720 238
Swedenborg to the King, Stockholm, July 9, 1720 240
Swedenborg to the King, Stockholm, Nov. 21, 1720 243
Brunsbo 247
Swedenborg to Melle, Stockholm, May 12, 1721 248
Swedenborg to Bergscollegium, Helsingborg, June 30, 1721 255
Swedenborg to Preis, Amsterdam, Oct. 21, 1721 256
The Hague 257
Swedenborg to Preis, Leiden, Nov. 8, 1721 258
Swedenborg to Benzelius, Liege, Dec. 12/23, 1721 260
Brunswick, the Hartz, Schiffbeck 262
Swedenborg to the King, Medevi, July 14, 1722 263
Festive Ode, July 18, 1722 266
Bishop Swedberg to Rosenadler, July 10, 1722 266
Bishop Swedberg to Rosenadler, July (end), 1722 267
P. Schönström to Swedenborg, Autumn, 1722 271
Memorial on Copper Refining, Stockholm, Oct. 11, 1722 276
Swedenborg to Strmberg, Stockholm, Nov. 7, 1722 279
Fahlun Bergsrtts Answer to Swedenborgs Memorial, Nov. 19, 1722 281
Swedenborg to Bergscollegium, Stockholm, Dec. 7, 1722 284
Memorial on Balance of Trade, Stockholm, Feb. 5, 1723 289
Swedenborg to Bergscollegium, Stockholm, Feb. 12, 1723 297
Swedenborg to Bergscollegium, Stockholm, March 20, 1723 299
Memorial in favor of Iron, Stockholm, Feb. 18, 1723 301
Memorial against Exclusion of Foreign Traders, Stockholm, April 2, 1723 305
Memorial on Manufacture of Steel, Stockholm, April 11, 1723 306
Memorial against Exclusion of Foreign Traders, Stockholm, April 13, 1723 310
Memorial in favor of Iron, Stockholm, May 18, 1723 315
Vote on Farming out Customs, May 24, 1723 319
Swedenborg to Benzelstierna, Stockholm, August 13, 1723 322
Swedenborg to Benzelstierna, Stockholm, Sept. 16, 1723 324
Swedenborg to Benzelstierna, Stockholm, Oct. 29, 1723 325
Brunsbo 326
Swedenborg to Benzelius, Prsthyttan, Feb. 14, 1724 327
Swedenborg to Benzelius, Prsthyttan, March 20, 1724 329
Swedenborg to Benzelius, Stockholm, May 26, 1724 333
Swedenborg to Bergscollegium, Stockholm, June 16, 1724 336
Swedenborg to the King, Stockholm, July 7, 1724 337
Swedenborg to Baron Ribbing, Stockholm, July 7, 1724 339
Swedenborg to Hedendahl, Axmar, August 2, 1724 339
Swedenborg to Baron Ribbing, Stockholm, August 18, 1724 342
Swedenborg to Benzelius, Stockholm, August 20, 1724 343
Benzelius to Swedenborg, Upsala, August 25, 1724 344
Swedenborg to Baron Ribbing, Stockholm, August 28, 1724 345
Swedenborg to Lindbohm, rebro, Sept. 12, 1724 345
Lindbohm to Swedenborg, Axmar, Nov. 1, 1724 346
Swedenborg to Brita Behm, Stockholm, Nov. 3, 1724 346
Swedenborg to Bergscollegium, Stockholm, Nov. 9, 1724 347
Memorial to Treasury Office, Stockholm, Dec. 2, 1724 350
Swedenborg to Bergscollegium, Stockholm, Dec. 23, 1724 351
Brita Behm to Swedenborg, Stockholm, Jan. 9, 1725 352
Memorial to Bergscollegium on Behm Case, Stockholm, Jan. 13, 1725 354
Brita Behm to Bergscollegium, Stockholm, Jan. 19, 1725 359
Swedenborgs Project in Behm Case, Stockholm, Feb., 1725 363
Swedenborgs Answer to Brita Behms Project 364
Memorial on Polhems Machines, Stockholm, Feb. 14, 1725 366
Memorial on Purchase of an Air Pump, Stockholm, Feb. 14, 1725 367
Memorial on Polhems Machines, Stockholm, Feb. 14, 1725 368
Jesper Swedenborg to his brother Emanuel, Brunsbo, Feb. 26, 1725 370
Memorial on Customs Duty on Air Pump, Stockholm, May 27, 1725 372
Swedenborg to Lindbohm, Stockholm, May (end), 1725 374
Swedenborg to Bergscollegium, Stockholm, July 6, 1725 377
Swedenborg to the King, Stockholm, July 15, 1725 378
Benzelius to Swedenborg, Upsala, Stockholm, July 13, 1725 382
Judge Stiernmark to Swedenborg, Oggelbo, July 29, 1725 383
Brita Behm to Court of Appeal, Stockholm, Nov. 16, 1725 385
Swedenborg to Court of Appeal, Stockholm, Nov. 26, 1725 387
Brita Behm and Swedenborg to Court of Appeal, Stockholm, Jan. 31, 1726 391
Swedenborg to Bergscollegium, Stockholm, Dec. 1, 1725 392
Swedenborg to Benzelius, Stockholm, June 6, 1726 393
Swedenborg to Oggelbo Court, Stockholm, July 5, 1726 395
Swedenborg to Court of Appeal, Stockholm, July 9, 1726 402
Memorial to Court of Appeal, Stockholm, Oct. 4, 1726 403
Vote on Wellingk Case, Oct. 25, 1726 407
Unge to Swedenborg, Wnga, Nov. 25, 1726 408
Swedenborg to Brita Behm, Stockholm, Nov. 10, 1726 410
Memorial to Court of Appeal, Stockholm, Nov. 14, 1726 411
Memorial to Court of Appeal, Stockholm, Dec. 13, 1726 414
Swedenborg to Court of Appeal, Stockholm, March 9, 1727 415
Vote on Proposed Hanover Alliance, Stockholm, March 15, 1727 418
Swedenborg and Rudbeck Memorial on Rights of Noblemen, Winter, 1727 419
Swedenborg to Court of Appeal, Stockholm, April 18, 1727 422
Swedenborg to the King, Stockholm, April 22, 1727 423
Swedenborg to A. D. Schönström, Stockholm, Oct. 24, 1727 425
Swedenborg to A. D. Schönström, Stockholm, Nov. 21, 1727 427
Swedenborg to A. D. Schönström, Stockholm, Nov. 27, 1727 428
Unge to Swedenborg, Wnga, March 18, 1729 431
Swedenborg to Madam Ahlgren, Stockholm, May 27, 1729 434
Swedenborg to Madam Ahlgren, Stockholm, Nov. 28, 1729 435
Swedenborg to Celsius, Stockholm, Nov. 27, 1729 436
Swedenborg to Brita Behm, Stockholm, Dec. 23, 1729 438
Bishop Swedberg to Swedenborg, Brunsbo, April 10, 1730 439
Unge to Swedenborg, Lidkping, August 24, 1730 441
Unge to Swedenborg, Lidkping, Jan. 1731 443
Bishop Swedberg to Swedenborg, Brunsbo, March 1, 1731 443
Memorial on Polhems Models, Stockholm, Feb. 26, 1732 445
Swedenborg to the King, Stockholm, Feb. 15, 1732 446
Henkel to Swedenborg, Freyburg, Nov. 21, 1732 450
Swedenborg to the King, Stockholm, April 13, 1733 451
The Kings Grant of Leave of Absence, Stockholm, April 17, 1733 452
Swedenborg to Trier, Leipzig, Jan. 5, 1734 453
Swedenborg to Bergscollegium, Leipzig, Jan. 19/8, 1734 454
Forskll to Swedenborg, Koskis, August 27, 1734 455
Swedenborg to a Correspondent [1734 or 1735] 456
Swedenborg to Nordberg [?1734] 458
St. Petersburg Society of Sciences to Swedenborg, Dec. 28, 1734 465
Project on War with Russia, Stockholm, summer of 1734 468
Unge to Swedenborg, Lidkping, Jan. 17, 1736 476
Unge to Swedenborg, Lidkping, April 24, 1736 477
P. Schönströms Note of Indebtedness, Berens Forges, April 30, 1736 478
Swedenborg to the King, Stockholm, May 24, 1736 478
Memorial on Salary Arrangement during Absence abroad, Stockholm, May 26, 1736 480
Swedenborg to the King, Stockholm, June 20, 1736 481
Travels in Europe 481
Benzelstierna to Swedenborg, Stockholm, June 26, 1739 482
Benzelstierna to Swedenborg, Stockholm, Feb. 22, 1740 485
Swedenborg to Preis, Amsterdam, Sept. 10, 1740 486
Swedenborg to Royal Academy of Sciences, Stockholm, Jan. 8, 1741 487
Swedenborg to Skinnskatteberg District Court, Stockholm, May 31, 1742 489
Swedenborg to the King, Stockholm, June 14, 1742 490
Troili to Swedenborg, Fahlun, Oct. 7, 1742 494
Swedenborg to Bergscollegium, Stockholm, June 17, 1743 497
Swedenborg to the King, Stockholm, July 4, 1743 499
The Hague 499
Swedenborg to Preis, London, March 11, 1745 499
Swedenborg to a Councillor of Chancery, Stockholm, Sept. 16, 1743 500
Swedenborg to the King, Stockholm, June 2, 1747 501
Draft of Letters written in Amsterdam, February 1748, to Hultman,

Broman, Benzelstierna, Unge and the Bookkeeper at this Stockholm bank 503
Appendix 506

Swedenborg leaves Holland for London, October 1748 509
Wretman to Swedenborg, Amsterdam, November 25, 1749 510
Wretman to Swedenborg, Amsterdam, January 9, 1750 511
Wretman to Swedenborg, Amsterdam, January 20, 1750 511
Wretman to Swedenborg, Amsterdam, February 10, 1750 512
Swedenborg to Count Tessin, [? Holland, 1750] 514
Swedenborg to John Hart and John Lewis (Draft letters) 515
Swedenborg to C. J. Benzelius, May 31 [1753 or 1754] 517
Draft Memorial on Distillation of Spirits, Stockholm, November 3, 1755 518
Swedenborg to an English Lord, [Autumn or Winter 1755] 520
P.M. [Pro Memoria, 1756] 521
Swedenborg to Anton von Swab, [Autumn 1755] 522
Swedenborg to Anton von Swab, [Spring or Summer 1757] 522
Swedenborg to John Lewis, [Autumn 1758]--enclosing Errata 523
Jennings and Finlay to Swedenborg, Stockholm, August 17, 1759 526
Wretman to Swedenborg, Amsterdam, September 1, 1759 527
Swedenborg to von Höpken, [Stockholm], April 10 [1760] 528
Bonde to Swedenborg, Hassleby, August 7, [1760--enclosing 530

letter from Baron von Hatzell to Swedenborg [July 1760] 531
Swedenborg to Bonde, Stockholm, August 11, 1760 533
Wretman to Swedenborg, Amsterdam, September 27, 1760 535
Memorial on Course of Exchange, Stockholm, November 17, 1760 537

Memorial on Course of Exchange [December 1760] 536
Appendix to Mem. of November 17, [Stockholm] December 13 [1760] 547
Memorial on Stora Deputation, [Stockholm], January 12, 1761 551
Refusal of Seat in the Secret Committee's Exchange Deputation, [January 1761] 558
Swedenborg to Nordencrantz, Stockholm, January 31, 1761 enclosing
Memorial--Extracts from Nordencrantz's book 559
Swedenborg to Carl Fred. von Höpken, draft letter, [Stockholm, February 1, 1761] 566
Nordencrantz to Swedenborg, Stockholm, February 1, 1761 567
For the Minutes--Answer to Nordencrantz, [Stockholm February 17, 1761]  568
Memorial on Export of Copper, [Stockholm, February 1761] 569
Nordencrantz Memorial in answer to Swedenborg, February 10, 1761--Extracts  571
Memorial in Defense of von Höpken, [Stockholm, February 11, 1761] 580
For the MinutesBAnswer to Nordencrantz, February 1761 581
Draft of part of Memorial containing Extracts from Nordencrantz 583
Swedenborg to C. F. von Höpken, [February 1761]  583
Swedenborg to Nordencrantz, [February 1761]  584
Nordencrantz to Swedenborg, Stockholm, February 18, 1761 585
Swedenborg to Nordencrantz, Original and Drafts, February 19, [1761] 586
For the Minutes--answer to Nordencrantz, draft and final copy [February 1761]  588
Swedenborg to a member of the Army, [Stockholm, June 1761] 590
Memorial on the Upholding and Strengthening of the Kingdom in its Freedom, [end of July 1761] 591
Oelreich to Swedenborg, Stockholm, December 31, 1761 596
Joint Memorial to College of Commerce, Stockholm, August 5, 1762 597
Swedenborg to Mennander, Stockholm. August 25, 1762 599
Joint Memorial to College of Commerce, Stockholm, November 15, 1762 600
Swedenborg to Filenius, Stockholm, January 6, 1763 602
Swedenborg to Mennander, Stockholm, August 19, 1761 603
Swedenborg to Beyer, Amsterdam, October 1, 1765 606
Beyer to Swedenborg, Gothenburg, March 18, 1766 608
[Swedenborg] to Beyer, Amsterdam, April 8, 1766 610
Swedenborg to Secretary of State, Sweden, [Amsterdam, April 1766] 610
Swedenborg to Swedish Ambassador in Paris, [Amsterdam, April 1766] 611
Swedenborg to Beyer, Amsterdam, April 15, 1766 612
Swedenborg to Beyer, London, August 22, 1766 614
Swedenborg to Royal Academy of Sciences. Stockholm, September 10, 1766 614
Swedenborg to C. J. Benzelius, Stockholm, September 16, 1766 616
Swedenborg to Mennander, [Stockholm, on or about September 16, 1766] 617
Swedenborg to Oetinger, Stockholm, September 23, 1766 620
Swedenborg to Beyer, Stockholm. September 25, 1766 622
Oetinger to Swedenborg, Stuttgart, October 7, 1766 624
Swedenborg to Oetinger, Stockholm, November 11, 1766 626
Oetinger to Swedenborg, Stuttgart, December 4, 1766 628
Swedenborg to Beyer, Stockholm, February 1767 630
Wretman to Swedenborg, Amsterdam, March 21, 1767 632
Schenmark to Swedenborg, Lund, March 22, 1767 633
Swedenborg to Schenmark, [Stockholm, end of March 1767] 636
Oetinger to Swedenborg, Stuttgart, December 16, 1767 638
Lavater to Swedenborg, Zurich, August 24, 1768 641
Swedenborg to Beyer, Amsterdam, October 1, 1768 644
Swedenborg to Oetinger, Amsterdam, November 8, 1768 with enclosure on the Natural and Spiritual Sense of the Word 645
Swedenborg to Leyden University, [Amsterdam, February 1768] 649
Cuno to Swedenborg, Amsterdam, March 8, 1769 649
Swedenborg to Cuno, Amsterdam, [March 1769] 657
Swedenborg to Beyer, Amsterdam, March 15, 1769 659
Hammarberg to Swedenborg, enclosing Ekebom's Attack on Writings, [April 1769] 661
Swedenborg to Beyer, Amsterdam, April 15, 1769, enclosing Reply to Ekebom 665
Swedenborg to Beyer, enclosing additional Reply, Amsterdam, April 22, 1769 669
Swedenborg to Beyer, Amsterdam, April 23, 1769 672
Hartley to Swedenborg, Maidstone, Kent, August 2, 1749 673
Swedenborg to Hartley, [London, August 5, 1769] 676
Swedenborg to Messiter, London, August 5, 1769 680
Hartley to Swedenborg, Maidstone, Kent, August 14, 1769 682
Swedenborg to Hartley and Messiter, being an Extract from Appendix to White Horse, London, [August 30, 1769] 685
Lavater to Swedenborg, enclosing Cryptogram, Zurich, September 24, 1769 687
Memorial to House of Clergy on Confiscation of Conjugial Love, Stockholm, October 6, 1769 689
Swedenborg to Beyer, Stockholm, October 30, 1769 691

Swedenborg to Beyer, Stockholm, November 14, 1769 695
Swedenborg to von Höpken, Stockholm, November 17, 1769 697
Swedenborg to Beyer, Stockholm, December 29, 1769 701
Swedenborg to Wenngren, Stockholm, January 18, 1770 704
Swedenborg to Beyer, Stockholm, April 12, 1770 707
Swedenborg to Beyer, Stockholm, April 30, 1770 714
Swedenborg to Tuxen, [Stockholm], May 1, 1770 717
Swedenborg to the King, [Stockholm, May 25, 1770] 721
Swedenborg to Rydberg, Stockholm, June 27, 1770 727
Swedenborg to Alstromer, [Stockholm, July 19, 1770] 729
Swedenborg to Mennander, Stockholm, July 20, 1770 730
Swedenborg to C. J. Benzelius, Stockholm, July 23, 1770 732
Swedenborg to Beyer, Stockholm, July 23, 1770 733
Swedenborg to Beyer, Amsterdam, April 30, 1771 735
Swedenborg to the Landgrave of Hesse-Darmstadt, Amsterdam, June 18, 1771 738
Swedenborg to Venator, Amsterdam, June 22, 1771 740
Swedenborg to Beyer, Amsterdam, July 2, 1771 742
Swedenborg to the Landgrave, Amsterdam, July 3, 1771--enclosing Note against Ernesti and List of Books published by Swedenborg 743
The Landgrave to Swedenborg, Pirmassens, July 1, 1771 745
Swedenborg to Mennander, Amsterdam, July 6, 1771 747
Swedenborg to Venator, draft letter, [Amsterdam, July 13, 1771] 749
Swedenborg to the Landgrave, Amsterdam, July 13, 1771 751
J. C. Sepp to the Landgrave, Amsterdam, July 25, 1771 753
Swedenborg to the Landgrave, Amsterdam, August 24, 1771 755
The Landgrave to Swedenborg, [Pirmassens, September 3, 1771] 756
Pro Memoria sent to Swedenborg by Count Rudenskjld [early in 1772] 759
Swedenborg's Answer [early in 1772] 759
Swedenborg to Wesley, London, February 1772 760
Appendices:
I An Undelivered Letter from Oetinger 763
II List of Lost Letters other than those mentioned in the Text 764
III Notes, Corrections and Additions 768
IV Authorities Cited 780

PREFACE

In translating the Letters and Memorials that follow, endeavor has been made to retain, so far as possible, the style and flavor of the originals. In the Swedish of the period covered by these letters, it was the practice of the learned to interlard their writings with foreign words to which they usually added Swedish endings--the foreign words being written in Latin script, and the Swedish, including the endings just referred to, in Swedish script. Bishop Swedberg frequently inveighed against this practice, and in this he was supported by Charles XII, both men being zealous to preserve the purity of their native tongue. The practice, however, was not altogether unjustified, since it was sometimes difficult to find a corresponding Swedish word. As Eric Benzelius expressed it, "What a thing is called in Latin, is known, but how to translate it into Swedish requires thought" (Forssell, p. 4). In two of his works, the Algebra and the Longitude, published in 1718, the patriotic Emanuel sought to meet this difficulty by the introduction of new and ingenious Swedish terms.

It should be noted, however, that many of the foreign words, used in the period here spoken of, later became incorporated into the Swedish language with a slight change of spelling, e.g., c to k.

In the first part of the present volume, I have meticulously put all foreign words in italics, in order to give the reader some idea of the literary style of the writers; but later, I have omitted italics where the foreign word differed from the Swedish merely in the matter of a letter.

Copies or photographic reproductions of all the documents translated in this work are preserved in the Library of The Academy of the New Church, where note is made of the place where the originals are to be found. Sometimes the contents of letters are given but not the letters themselves. In such cases, the letters are either lost or not available, and the contents are gathered from other letters.

A work of this kind, involving many documents gathered from various sources, would not be possible without the preceding labor of men who have industriously searched out those documents. From the first days of the Church there have been many such men--the Nordenskjld brothers, Wadström, and others; and, in a later generation, Dr. J. F. Immanuel Tafel, ably assisted by the researches of Dr. Achatius Kahl of Lund University.

The documents discovered by these various workers were published from time to time, usually in English translation, in the pages of the New Jerusalem Magazine, 1790, the Intellectual Repository, the Monthly Observer, and other New Church journals. But it was reserved to Dr. J. F. Immanuel Tafel to gather into a single volume all the documents thitherto published, together with many others discovered by the researches of Dr. Kahl and other scholars in Sweden. This volume, Dr. Tafel published under the title Sammlung von Urkunden, Tübingen, 1739-45. Of this work, an English translation by the Rev. J. H. Smithson was published in Manchester in 1841.

Subsequently, Mr. William White discovered several new documents which he published in his Life of Swedenborg. Then, in 1875, came the monumental work of Dr. Rudolf Tafel, Documents concerning Swedenborg, published by the London Swedenborg Society, 1875-77. This work presented in English translation all the documents thitherto discovered and, added thereto, translations of many new documents discovered by Dr. Tafel himself with the cooperation of some Swedish librarians.

The Documents concerning Swedenborg seemed well nigh to have exhausted the sources from which new documents could be found; but this was far from being the case; for, later, new documents were discovered by Prof. C. Th. Odhner, and, in an eminent degree, by Mr. Alfred H. Stroh, ably assisted by Miss Sigrid Odhner (now Mrs. Thorsten Sigstedt); and it was not only new documents that Mr. Stroh discovered, but, during his long residence in Sweden, he also brought to light many Swedish publications, old and new, which throw light on the life and work of Swedenborg.

Mention must also be made of the work of Mr. F. G. Lindh, who for some years conducted extensive researches which included archives thitherto untouched. Some of these documents were printed in Nya Kyrkans Tidning, of which Mr. Lindh was Editor, and these had the great advantage of appearing in their original Swedish. A great many of Mr. Lindh's discoveries are unfortunately still in handwritten copies. It is to be hoped that they will in time be published, preferably in one of the Swedish New Church journals; for they throw much light on certain details in Swedenborg's life. Mr. Lindh was kind enough to allow me to consult his documents. But I am particularly indebted to his valuable studies, entitled Swedenborgs Ekonomi, published serially in Nya Kyrkans Tidning, 1927-1929. They are full of information not otherwise accessible.

Owing to the work of these laborers in the field, handwritten copies, typescripts, photographs, photolithographs and phototypes of the documents concerning Swedenborg were gradually accumulated in the Library of The Academy of the New Church. But great and valuable as this Collection was, it did not become fully available to students until later years, when Miss Sigrid Odhner, following a plan laid down by Mr. Stroh, and under the direction of the Academy Librarian, the Rev. Dr. Reginald W. Brown, gathered together these documents, or notations of them, arranged them in chronological order, and secured them in five large folio binders.

With all this preliminary labor, it can be easily imagined that the work of the present translator was greatly facilitated; indeed, without it, that work would have been well nigh impossible.

For the information contained in the many notes which appear in the present volume, I am indebted to the numerous published works which, during the course of many years, have been gathered together by the Library of The Academy of the New Church. These include many published volumes unearthed by Mr. Stroh, and, in many cases, presented by him to the Academy Library.

The present volume embraces Swedenborg's Letters and Memorials up to 1748 when he commenced the Arcana Coelestia. I have now in preparation a second volume containing the Letters and Memorials written after 1748, which I hope will be ready for publication in the not too distant future.

In conclusion, I wish to express my indebtedness to Dr A. Grape, the learned Librarian of Upsala University (now retired), for many helpful suggestions; to Dr. Pelle Helm, the Editor of the valuable work now in course of publication, Ordbok fver Svenska Sprket, for much kindly help in the interpretation of certain words and expressions in the antiquated Swedish of Swedenborg's day, presenting problems which, unaided, I could never have solved; and to my secretary, Miss B. G. Briscoe, who has read the whole proof and made many useful suggestions.

ALFRED ACTON.
BRYN ATHYN, PA.
May, 1948

THE LETTERS AND MEMORIALS

of

EMANUEL SWEDENBORG

Emanuel Swedenborg, whose name, until the ennoblement of the family in 1719, was Swedberg, was born in Stockholm, January twenty-ninth, 1688. In 1693, his father, Jesper Swedberg, moved to Upsala, where he had been appointed by Charles XI, professor of theology at the University, and it was in this town that young Emanuel received the whole of his schooling. In 1696 his mother died, and in the following year, his father married Sarah Bergia, a wealthy and pious widow wham Swedenborg declares to have been truly a mother to him. It was in this pious home that the young Emanuel received those first religious impressions which had so great an influence on his life.

From his eighth year to his eleventh, he was under the tutorship of Johan Moraeus, a young man of twenty-four who was the nephew and protg of Jesper Swedberg, and a resident in his home. In 1699 he entered the University School. Four years later, June 1703, his sister Anna, then a girl not yet seventeen years old, was married to the learned University Librarian, Eric Benzelius, then in his twenty-ninth year. A month after this marriage Emanuel's father, having been appointed Bishop of Skara, moved from Upsala to make his home in Brunsbo (a mile or two distant from Skara), which was then, as it still is, the official residence of the Bishop of Skara.

In consequence of this removal, Emanuel now made his home with his brother-in-law, Eric Benzelius, with whom he remained for six years, and to whom he became greatly attached. During these years, and, indeed, for long afterwards, Benzelius exercised a marked influence over the mind of the young student, especially in directing him away from the old methods of scholasticism to the newer methods, then dawning, in which the facts of experience were held as the essential prerequisites to all philosophical reasoning. More especially he directed his attention to those mathematical studies which so fully occupied his mind for many years to come.

Emanuel's studies in Upsala were completed in June 1709, when he "submitted to public examination" his Selectae Sententiae.1

1 His father, then on a visit to Upsala, took part in the "Disputation" over the Selectae Sententiae which marked the close of Emanuel's university days.

Following the custom of the time, it had been the intention of Emanuel's father to send him on a foreign tour, as soon as his academic studies were finished. In fact, a passport had already been applied for in the preceding May.

Meanwhile, Emanuel and his father departed for their home in Brunsbo, taking with them Bishop Swedberg's first grandchild, the little Ericus Benzelius, then four years old. The intention was that Emanuel should stay there until the time arrived for him to leave on his first journey to foreign lands, which was to commence in the beginning of August. It was while thus waiting that he wrote the first of the many letters by him that are now extant. It was dated Brunsbo, JULY 13, 1709, and was addressed to Eric Benzelius:

Most Learned Herr Librarian,

Highly Honored d: Brother,

That I have delayed till now with so important a letter comes chiefly from my not having been sure where d: Brother would be at this time. And though I am still quite uncertain as to d: Brother's return home from the baths,2 yet because of the importance of the matter, I am equally compelled to send these lines, together with a humble request that d: Brother, in accordance with his usual goodness and his kind promise, will be pleased to give me some suggestions which might be of benefit to me in my foreign journey. Were there also some letters to d: Brother's acquaintances in England, or other kind services, I would greatly desire them of d: Brother now, since I am not likely to remain here more than 14 days, and this for the purpose of waiting for d: Brother's answer concerning this my journey. It would also be my wish, through d: Brother's recommendation, to become acquainted with some of those who are in the Collegio Anglicano [the Royal Society] wherein there are said to be 21 assessors,3 that I might thereby profitera [make advance] somewhat in mathesi, or, which is said to be their chief pursuit, in Physica and Historia naturali.

2 Acidulae Kihlenses, one of the wells in Stra. Benzelius frequently visited these baths for the sake of his health.

3 The governing body of the Royal Society consisted of 21 members. Emanuel uses the word assessores in the Swedish sense as meaning those entitled to a seat in a departmental collegium or commission.

Since I have always wished to obtain some use and advance in the studies which I chose with d: Brother's advice and approval, therefore I have also thought it advisable early to choose for myself some certain subject which, in time, one will achieve; to this, one could also bring in a large part of that which one observerar [observes] and reads in other countries. I have therefore done this in all the reading that I have done thus far. And now, at my departure, I have undertaken a certain collection (in all that concerns Mathesis) in order gradually to increase and perfect it; to wit, de incrementis Matheseos intra unum vel duo secula [concerning new things discovered and to be discovered in mathematics] or, what is almost the same thing, de incrementis Matheseos intra unum vel duo secula [concerning the additions made to mathesis within one or two centuries] which will extend to all partes Matheseos [branches of mathematics4]. This, moreover, is likely to be of advantage to me during my journey, since I can bring into it all that I may be observerande [observing of] in mathesi. This being my propos [purpose], then, if it does not displease d: Brother, I ought to expect great help and support therein from d: Brother; and also that d: Brother send me a note of whatever he may come across in this connection. It would be very useful to me if some one urged Director Plhammar to communicate his inventa before anything fatal happens to him; the mechanics there, would certainly be an adornment in materien [to the matter in hand]. I have good subsidia [resources] in Morhofvii opere Posthumo5 and a good guide to authors.

4 Namely, astronomy, optics, physics, statics, etc.

5 The posthumous work referred to is Polyhistor Literarium, Philosophicum et Practicum. It was published in Lubec in 1708, and, therefore, had come but recently into the possession of the young Emanuel. It is a classified guide to authors and books in the different fields of learning, and gives special attention to the collection of a library. It may be added that Emanuel used this work in preparing his Selectae Sententiae.

Down here I have so much improved myself that I have acquired an artem manuariam [manual art]--the art of bookbinding.

I have given proof of this in three books, and have bound them in French binding,6 for the bookbinder is with us here.

6 That is, binding in leather.

Herewith is also sent, for d: Brother's use an old coin.7 Of what class it is I know not, but it seems to me suspicious that Sanctus Ericus is inscribed thereon, who yet did not likely have that name until some time after his death.

7 Eric Benzelius was an enthusiastic numismatist, and had a large and very valuable collection of coins. Benzelius' Collection of coins was bought by the Riksbank (Wrangel 9).

Stablemaster Hal is said to have come to the extreme of foolishness in that he has clumsily castrated himself. It is thought that he will probably not live long. Whether this is true I do not know for sure; it is what is said by every one. Perhaps he will become like Origenes.8

8 In order to serve as a teacher of women, Origen rashly castrated himself--a deed which he subsequently condemned.

If there should be any one to succedera [succeed] me in my room, then I would most respectfully beg d: Brother that the papers which were left there might be gathered together and laid for keeping in the vault, for among them lie some which I assembled for Publium Syrum and which I worked hard enough on.9

9 Publius Syrus was one of the authors on whose witty sayings Emanuel commented in his Academical Disputation Selectae Sententiae. The papers here referred to are perhaps those which were subsequently bound together in a volume listed as Codex 37. The first two hundred pages of this codex contain brief sentences from Cicero, Plautus and Florus, arranged under different headings. The blank spaces on these pages were subsequently used for sundry scientific notes and excerpts.

Will d: Brother kindly give a humble greeting to all his Syskon;10 to Prof: Elvius;11 (to Prof: Upmarck,12 who seems to be annoyed at me in some way, since, at the end, he often showed himself dissatisfied with me; this I also perceived earlier, and well understand, but I hope that my fata [fates] will not become so adverse to me that I shall find access to him so difficult; Justin. L. 5, C. 2, v. 6, 7.).13

Then a very earnest greeting from all the Syskon here. I commend d: Brother to God's gracious protection, and remain always,

d: and highly learned Brother's

most obedient servant,

Brunsbo, 13 July [1709] Eman: Swedberg

P.S. We are expecting the Bishop of Gothenburg14 and his wife any day, not knowing whether they have proceeded or not. Little Eric sends his greeting. He is doing well here.

10 A Swedish word meaning "brothers and sisters."

11 Emanuel studied mathematics and astronomy under Professor Elfvius, for whom he seems to have had much affection.

12 Professor John Upmarck (ennobled Rosenadler, 1664-1745) lectured on elocution and politics during Emanuel's days at the University. He was an intimate and lifelong friend of Bishop Swedberg. In 1714 he married the daughter of Professor Schwede and his wife Brita Behm, Bishop Swedberg's sister-in-law.

13 "He was in the flower of his age and venerable in form; nor was he less distinguished for eloquence, even among the Athenians. But he was a man better fitted for gaining the affections of friends than for keeping them; for in the beginning the faults of his character lay hidden beneath the shadow of his eloquence" (Justinus, Hist. Philippicae, loc. cit.).

14 Olaus Ericus Nezelius (1638-1710), who married Eric Benzelius's oldest sister Margaret.

Soon after the above letter was written, news reached Skara of the frightful disaster of Pultava, where, on June 28, 1709, Charles XII had been utterly routed by the Russians under Peter the Great, and had been forced to take refuge in Turkey where he was being detained more or less as an honored prisoner. Sweden being thus virtually without a head, the utmost confusion reigned. Moreover, Denmark, spurred on by Russia, now began warlike measures for the recovery of the Province of Skne, in the south of Sweden, which they had lost to Charles X in 1658. Under these circumstances, with Denmark commanding the sea, all thought of a journey to England was out of the question and Emanuel's hope of commencing his foreign travels "in fourteen days" was suddenly dashed to the ground.

To meet the threatened Danish invasion, General Stenbock made frantic appeals to the people to rise in defence of their country; and despite the heavy conscriptions of the past, the ruinous taxation, and the utter poverty of the people, he succeeded in raising a ragged army which, in spite of its deficiencies and lack of discipline, yet defeated the Danes at the battle of Helsingborg in February 1710.

The powerful Danes however still persisted in their efforts to retake Skne and this necessitated new appeals by General Stenbock and new attempts at conscription--attempts
which not infrequently led to riotous resistance and mob violence on the part of the desperate and impoverished people. One such case of armed resistance is described by Emanuel in his next letter to his brother-in-law Benzelius. This was a case of mutinous conduct on the part of Swedish conscripts in a district (Wadsbo) some twenty-two miles northeast of Skara. While willing to march to Gothenburg in their own province these conscripts made violent resistance to any attempt to use them for service in Skne (Fryxell 24: 154-5).

Meanwhile, Emanuel, now despairing of a foreign journey even in 1710, occupied himself in Brunsbo and Skara as best he could. Doubtless he communed with his bookbinder. Doubtless also his insatiable curiosity led him to visit the printing shop which had been established in Skara in 1707, and which printed some ambitious verses composed by him during this period. But what principally aroused his scientific interest was the presence in Skara of some gigantic bones which, on first inspection, he imagined to be the bones of some giant Swede of ancient times. Their presence in Skara was due to the activity of Emanuel's former tutor, John Moraeus.

After obtaining his medical degree in France in 1705, Moraeus had been appointed provincial physician in Skara, where he became once more a resident in Bishop Swedberg's home. Soon after his arrival, he heard of some bones that had been dug up in a parish about fifteen miles southwest of Skara. He at once visited the parish in question, and subsequently wrote Eric Benzelius that when the work of digging was finished, the bones would be sent to Skara. It was here (Lilljeborg, fversigt, 61) that young Emanuel first saw them in the autumn of 1709, and it at once occurred to him that their proper place was the University Museum in Upsala. So, in February 1710, they were duly dispatched thither, and after examination, were pronounced to be the bones of a whale.15

15 Some years later, in 1715, Swedenborg refers to these bones as affording proofs that at one time Sweden was covered over by the Flood. The bones themselves, fifty-one in number, are now preserved in the Upsala Zoological Museum where they are catalogued as the "Swedenborg Whale."

The prospect of remaining another year in Brunsbo, that is to say, until the spring of 1711 when the proposed journey to England might become possible, was anything but welcome to the active mind of the would-be traveller. He therefore welcomed the suggestion, made either by his father or by Benzelius, that he spend some of the intervening time with the Swedish mechanical genius Christopher Polhem, whose machine shop in Stiernsund was the wonder and admiration of the day.16

16 Christopher Polhem (or Plhammar, as his name was then spelled) was a brilliant mechanical genius and inventor. In 1698 he had been appointed by Charles XI Director of Mining Mechanics, and this title he retained to the end of his life. His principal activity, however, was devoted to the direction of his private works at Stiernsund, about forty miles southwest of Falun, where he enjoyed a monopoly in the manufacture of clocks, locks, machines, etc. Here he was in the habit of receiving a few pupils.

It was under these circumstances that on MARCH 6, 1710, Emanuel sent the following letter to Eric Benzelius, by the hand of his future brother-in-law Jonas Unge, who was then journeying to Upsala for the purpose of receiving the degree of Master of Theology, entitling him to occupy a theological lectorship in the Skara Gymnasium:

Highly Honored D: Brother,

Since Magister Unge intends to betake himself to Upsala to give there a specimen academicum for his receiving the Theological Lectorate, these lines will also go with him as a due respect and attention to d: Brother. This I would have done frequently if opportunity had offered and if I had been sure of d: Brother's return home.

It is now my chief desire to get a little information concerning my dessein, which is being talked of here, to be with Polhammar. If it so be that my foreign journey must needs stand over till the Spring [of 1711], then I am quite content to be with him for some time, seeing that I can probably reap more advantage there in summer than in winter; and there, everything will be so much more lively and pleasant, and my mind in better condition. I have very little desire to remain longer in this place, since I am wasting my time here almost in vain.

Yet I have so improved myself in music that I usually sustinerar our organists vices [take our organist's place];1 but in other branches of mathesi there is very little to offer here; nor do those who are here, hold it in any esteem so that I might be encouraged thereby.

1 Emanuel had learned to play while in Upsala. Professor Vallerius was an enthusiastic musician who delighted to teach the students; Swedberg's father was also very fond of music.

Some time ago, all the people here were called up,2 and when the time came, the Wasbo people gathered together in a crowd, where an unheard of outrage was committed on their own bailiff3 whom they first handled roughly and then killed, and shot some 100 shots at him, so that hardly anything whole was left of him. Afterwards, they would have had the pigs eat him up had not the pastor in Horn4 reprimerat [restrained] them. Magister Faegraeus5 interfered but was threatened with the same treatment if he would not hold his peace. Two peasants and a housewife, who expressed pity over this, were also killed. The district judge, Aurell, took flight to the above mentioned Horn's rectory, and in a dark room, in the cellar; but the place was surrounded and was searched in all corners; but they had to go back again with their purpose unaccomplished. Part of them have Stationed themselves at Billingen [about fifteen miles northeast of Skara], and have threatened with death those who will go further; for the provincial governor6 was compelled to give them all home leave, because they were heard to say that they had intended to treat in the same way all their officers whom they might hive on the march.

God grant there be no uproar here, of which there seems to be much likelihood and cause.

2 That is, called up or conscripted to join General Stenbock's army.

3 According to the Swedish Historian Fryxell, this bailiff, whose name was Wahrenberg, was known as a wicked man and a bribetaker.

4 Horn is a small parish near the parish of Binneberg in the district of South Wadsbo (locally Wasbo). The disturbance began at Binneberg, and when the bailiff Wahrenberg was killed, the Pastor of Horn, Ericus H. Lundgren (1661-1715), by urgent admonitions, prevailed on the people to allow his body to be taken away (Warholm, Skare Stifts Herd. 2:110).

5 Johannes Faegraeus, curate of the church in the neighboring village Fgred, and a member of a family known in the place for generations.

6 Baron Gustaf Soop. Soop blamed the clergy for this outbreak, in that they had so devoted themselves to things of the world that they had neglected to teach the people the laws of God (Tottie, Jesp. Swedberg, 2:54).

Four or five weeks ago the giant bones were sent from here. Probably they have arrived. I wish it were so, since, in some verses which Magister Unge will probably include in his disputation, I have alluderat to them as follows:7

7 The four lines that follow are part of a longer poem in praise of Unge. Following the custom of the time, this laudatory poem was printed in Unge's Disputation, the subject of which was "The Consummation of the World."

To Upsal town a giant's mighty limbs were sent

Which, lacking brain, lacked human ingenuity.

And now our fertile land sends forth another child;

This strong in mind, that strong in muscularity.

And so it is my wish that they have not been stopped on the way. The novitien8 who took them with him, seemed to be well disposed. At this time, Brother Eleizer9 is also probably in Upsala, where I wish him luck to advance in his branches of study. Here Brother Jesper is having peculiar sickness. God help him. After sincere greetings to sister Anna, I commend d: Brother to the protection of the Most High, and remain always,

highly honored d: Brother's

humble servant
Brunsbo 1710
6 March

Eman: Swedb:

8 i.e., one who was about to enter the University for the first time.

9 Emanuel's brother Eleizer was almost two years his junior. He had entered the University in 1703 together with his younger brother Jesper.

Meanwhile, Bishop Swedberg had written to Polhem asking whether he would receive Emanuel as a resident student in mechanics. Perhaps Emanuel himself had carried this letter, or it may be that he and his father had called on Polhem on their way from Upsala to Brunsbo However this be, it is certain that Polhem had met Emanuel; for, writing to Eric Benzelius on July 16, 1710, Polhem says: "As regards young Herr Swedberg, I may confess that I have seen with immeasurable pleasure that he, like others, journeyed hither independently without any preceding contract. And then, since we found in each other delight and pleasantness, the wish for this can readily be taken for granted, especially since I have noted that he is capable of being able to help me in the work I have in hand in mechanics and the experiments pertaining thereto."

But although Polhem was attracted to the young Emanuel, he yet gave a negative answer to Bishop Swedberg's request that he accept him as a pupil. Benzelius, of course, heard of this, but he still cherished the idea of having Emanuel study under Polhem. Therefore, about the middle of June, 1710, thinking very naturally that Emanuel was still in Brunsbo, he communicated with Polhem with whom he was personally acquainted, and urged young Swedberg's case so successfully that in the letter of July 16 from which we have just quoted, Polhem wrote giving an implicit consent to the reception of the young student.*

But while these negotiations were going on, the young man whom they most nearly concerned had gone off. Evidently the would-be traveler had heard of a captain willing to chance capture by the Danes, or molestation by the French--who were then at war with the English-and he eagerly embraced this opportunity to commence his travels. Accordingly, he sailed from Gothenburg at the end of April or the beginning of May,10 all unaware of the difficulties he was to encounter on this his first voyage.

* This was written under the supposition that Emanuel was in England in May (see below at p. 11). But since he did not leave until July, Benzelius "knew that he was in Brunsbo." (I.9.) Emanuel sailed from Gothenburg shortly after the middle of July. This agrees with the date, end of July, when he had expected to sail in 1909; see p. 2 near the end. It also agrees with the date when the plague broke out in Sweden, namely, in July 1710, and because of which Swedenborg's ship was quarantined at Harwich.

10 It is significant that this year, 1710, when Swedenborg, then a young man of twenty-two, went to England where he stayed two and a half years, is the year to which he assigns the beginning of his preparation for his office as Revelator: "I was first introduced by the Lord into the natural sciences and was thus prepared; and this, from the year 1710 to 1744 when heaven was opened to me" (2 Doc. conc. Swedenborg, 257). He left England at the end of 1712 or the beginning of 1713, and his next visit to that country was in 1744-45 when he received his divine commission.

Many years later, he writes that the voyage was a somewhat adventurous one. During a fog his ship nearly grounded on a sand bank; it was bearded by a privateer which they thought to be Danish but which proved to be French; then they were shot at by an English warship which was in pursuit of this same privateer; and, finally, in the Thames, "some Swedes arrived at the ship with a yacht and talked me over into going to the city with them, whereas all who were on the ship were ordered to remain there for six weeks, because they had already learned that the plague had commenced in Sweden. As I had taken myself off from the quarantine that had been ordered, this matter was inquired into. Yet I was let off from the rope, but with the reservation that no other person would afterwards escape if he ventured to do the like" (Resebeskrifning, p. 3).

The young man's easy escape from punishment was probably due to the influential friends, including the Swedish Ambassador, Count Carl Gyllenborg, whom his father's position as Bishop would naturally secure him.

In London, while becoming accustomed to the English language, the young traveler viewed the sights of the city. He was impressed with Westminster Abbey, and his scientific curiosity was aroused by the whispering gallery in St. Paul's Cathedral. He followed the construction of this noble building, and seems to have witnessed its completion at the end of September. He was a frequent visitor at the many secondhand booksellers, and an interested and covetous observer of the many wonderful and exact mathematical instruments exhibited by the famous makers of London. Nor was there any lack of social intercourse with friends. He soon acquired a large circle of acquaintances among the members of the Swedish church, among friends and admirers of his father, and also among the members of the Royal Society, several of whom were known to his brother-in-law Benzelius. At Fulham, a beautiful village on the Thames, five miles from London, he visited the hospitable home of Doctor Edzardus, the son of his father's old friend, and the pastor of the German church in London in which the Swedes had worshiped until some months before the date of his arrival.11 Here he met a former fellow student, Erik Alstryn, the tutor of Edzardus's sons.

11 In March, 1710, some months before Emanuel's arrival in London, the Swedes in that city, who had been worshiping in the German church under Doctor Edzardus, established a fund for the building of a church of their own, and it was doubtless to this fund that the young Emanuel contributed on May 10, the fifteen shillings which is credited to his name. The Swedish church in Princes' Square was not built, however, until 1728, but a meeting house on Ratcliffe Highway was rented, and in March 1710, a Swedish pastor was chosen. (Carlson, Sv. Kyrkan i London, p. 7. See below, p. 96, note 3.)

On this contribution was based the supposition that Swedenborg arrived in London in May 1710. But during a visit to Skara in 1952, Dr. Hugo Lj. Odhner unearthed a manuscript which shows that Swedenborg arrived in London on August 3, 1710. The fifteen shillings contribution must therefore have been sent by post. The manuscript in question is a bound MS. Diary kept with great exactness by a young theological candidate, Sven Bredberg (1681-1721). He commenced his foreign journey in 1708, after receiving his Master Degree in Upsala, and arrived in London on July 14, 1710. This Diary not only gives the date of Swedenborg's arrival in London but also gives some new particulars of his sojourn there. Translated from the Swedish, the pertinent passages are as follows:

"1710 Aug. 3. A good friend invited me to go with him and meet the Bishop's son, Herr Svedberg, who together with the other Gothenburg ships was arrested on his ship by the English and put in quarantine under suspicion that they might bring with them some sickness from Sweden.... Since the merchants wanted to try out a yacht they considered buying, and would be back after two days, I went along. But when we came to the ships, we had contrary wind and storm; landed and came to All-Hallows Church which was covered with ivy. Ate and drank at the inn there. Took horses and rode on the highway from there to Gravesend...16 miles in two hours. There, in the little town, we had a generous meal and then, together, took a boat to London. (For Swedenborg's own account of his arrival in London, see page 10.)

"6--Took lodgings further up in the city nearer the Colleges, the library and the Exchange, not far from Herr Ahlberg where Herr Svedberg and Herr Ludenius (cf. p. 236n) were staying. As per agreement, I gave the man who moved my things to the new lodging on Red Lion Street, I shilling.

"16-1 was with Herr Svedberg at the Monument--now so called--a very high and beautiful monument which was erected after the frightful fire of 1666. Inside are 365 winding steps all the way up to the too; and there, outside, is a handsome and high balcony so that one can go around the column and see the whole of London.

"19--Paid cost of room for the past 14 days, 15.--...

"21--Was with Mag. Alstrin, Herr Ludenius and Herr Svedberg. I was in Westminster's great and beautiful church, and saw different graves of former kings and princes and queens standing in their state within glass. King Edward's frightfully large sword, the two old wooden chairs on which the kings sit when they are crowned, on one of which the present Queen Anne was crowned. For sitting on these chairs, detaching the sword and viewing the graves, each of us gave ninepence. Immediately afterwards we were in the Parliament House in the large hall.... There hung the many French banners which the English took from the French in the war.
"When we went out, the Chancellor drove past us with his mace, usually in front of him and now with him in the carriage. This mace, which is carried in front of him, has a lame crown at the end.

"On Casaubon's tomb was carved qui nosse vult Casabonum non saxa sed chartas legat super futuras marmori et profituras posteris.
"We visited the Guildhall where the great and famous lottery is in a very large hall with 2 great statues and other things in it, wherein were 2 blue clad lads who take out the lottery tickets ... and give them to the Secretary.
"After this we saw the high and beautiful anatomy theatre in the College of Medicine. (The College of Surgeons.)

"Then we went to Sion College or Collegium Ministerii Ecclesiastici Londonsis, and there saw the fine library, though there was here something lacking since many books had not been entered and brought into order. There were many fine documents with seals and decrees of councils, many writings of the Fathers, etc.

"Previously we were in the fine large madhouse they have here, where frightfully many mad, both men and women, sit each shut up in his little room.
"We were also in Gresham College--a College both theological, philosophical and medical, and saw in two rooms ... a serpent 21 feet long, the temple of Jerusalem as it was in former days, in small size, as long as a Bible in 4 to besides a great number of books shut up in a case, a beautiful auditorium; each of us gave 24 ore [6d] as a tip."

Surely a wearisome day, even for a young man of twenty-two and a half years. No wonder Swedenborg could write on October 13: "I have already examined with my eyes all in this city that is worth seeing."

Among the many marvels that presented themselves to the young man, what must especially have interested him and excited his admiration, was the demonstration of freedom of speech and of the press that he so often witnessed, and the absence of which, in his own country, he so often laments on his return to Sweden. This was pointedly brought to his attention by the case of Doctor Sacheverell, then agitating the English public.

Shortly before Emanuel's arrival in England, Doctor Henry Sacheverell had been condemned by the Whig Government to three years' suspension for a sermon he had delivered and published, attacking the government for neglecting to support the Anglican Church against the growing strength of the dissenters. Immediately after the sentence had been pronounced, the Doctor's sermon was reprinted, a rain of pamphlets descended upon the city, and the matter became a heated subject of debate in every place where men congregated. Emanuel's sentiments in this connection were probably well expressed by his friend Alstryn, in a letter to Professor Upmarck, dated September 1710: "So many publications are issued by both parties about the royal power over the subject and the subject's duty to the King, that I think this would be possible nowhere else than here." (Bergius, Brefsamling III p. 658)

Meanwhile, soon after Emanuel's arrival in England, he had received from Eric Benzelius a friendly letter, evidently forgiving him for his sudden departure from Brunsbo. In this letter Benzelius asks him for a poetic contribution in laudation of the learned Swedish poetess Sophia Elisabet Brenner, whose collected poems were shortly to be published under the editorship of Urban Hjärne. It may be added that Fru Brenner, the products of whose pen consisted of fugitive verses in Swedish, German, French, Latin and Italian, was regarded by her contemporaries as the Sappho of her age,--a judgment with which later generations have not agreed. She was certainly a learned woman, an avis rarissima in Sweden; but she was also modest and domestic--the mother of fifteen children.

Emanuel answered his brother-in-law in a Latin letter which the latter received on OCTOBER 13, 1710.

Dearest Brother,

A single letter would not be sufficient for my excuse, who, at the time I left for London, so often missed you and your kindness, in that up to the present I have not answered your last letter which was so full of kindness, and that I had not complied with you when you were persuading and inviting me to the delights, as it were, of Polhammar. I would have wished that it might be allowed me to cover this unkindness under the veil and name of indolence and carelessness, and so to make you the same to me as you were before.

I think, however, that you will be satisfied, my dearest Brother, if, in your place, I here chastise myself, and anticipate you, who otherwise would scold me.

I have not entirely renounced that journey to Polhammar, the Machaon1 of our age, but have postponed it until, with God's help, I shall return to my country; for I might be charged not only with negligence but also with a mind ungrateful to our age, if I gathered no teaching from a man so great that our country will never see his like. This island also fosters men of the greatest skill in this science, but I have not yet consulted them because I am still poor in the language. I read Newton daily,2 and I wish also to meet and to hear him.

1 Machaon, the son of Esculapius, was renowned for his skill in surgery.

2 Newton's Principia was published in Latin in 1685, but the first known mention of his law of gravitation in Upsala is contained in a Disputation under Professor Elfvius in 1703, and the next is in a Disputation, also under Professor Elfvius, in 1716. Elfvius was skeptical as to the truth of Newton's theory, and "it was first through Swedenborg's visit to England" that Newton's views came to be adopted in Sweden (Annerstedt, Ups. Univ. Hist. II. 2, pp. 323-24; see also Bring's Polhem, p. 62).

I have acquired for myself a stock of books on mathesis, though a small one, and also a certain selection of instruments which are the adjuncts and adornments of mathesis; as, for instance, a tube, various kinds of quadrants, prisms, microscopes, artificial scales, like William Hunt's and Thomas Everard's, and--what I admire, and you would also,--a camera obscura. I would that when the balance of expenses and receipts is struck off, some little money might be left over such as would suffice to buy me an air pump.

I have already examined with my eyes all in this city that is worth seeing. The magnificent temple of St. Paul was finished in all its parts a few days ago. In Westminster Abbey, when I was examining the royal monuments, I happened to see also the tomb of Casaubon,3 when I was carried away with such great love of this literary hero that I gave my kisses to his tomb; and to his remains lying under the marble, I dedicated the following lines:

3 Isaac Casaubon (1559-1614), the great Huguenot scholar and learned editor of the Greek and Latin classics. In 1610 he came to England at the invitation of James I, and remained there in the royal favor until his death, when he was buried in Westminster Abbey. Emanuel doubtless learned to admire him in the course of his Latin and Greek studies in Upsala.

Why beautify the tomb with marble,

and gold and verse

When these shall perish, while thyself

shalt e'er survive.

And yet, methinks, the stone acclaims thee

right willingly

And takes with joy the loving kiss

of passers-by.

or in this way:

The urn hath thine ashes

God and the stars thy soul;

Thy writings thy genius,

Men and the world thy fame.

Death hath dissolved thee into dust

But for thyself, thou liv'st unharmed

within our hearts.

For the rest, almost the whole city is witnessing the internal dissensions between the Anglican Church and the Presbyterians, who burn with a mutual hatred that is almost deadly. The torch and trumpet of the disturbance is Doctor Sacheverel whose name is heard from every lip, in all quarters, and his book read in every coffee house.4

4 Taberna, properly a booth or stall; perhaps Emanuel here means bookstall or bookshop; but judging from the customs of the time, coffeehouse seems the more probable meaning. In old Swedish taberna meant an inn or wine shop.

If you were to inquire about myself, dearest Brother, I know myself to be alive but not happy; for I long for you and home. If I chance to see a letter from you, you carry me back, as it were, to my fatherland, for I love and revere you not only more than my brothers but even as a parent.

I am sending you the verses to Sophia Brenner, the Sappho of our Age, that if you find anything therein worthy of correction you will, I pray, introduce the correction and amend the lines, and send them to her thus amended. Doctor Edzardus sends his most dutiful greeting to you, my dearest Brother.

God preserve you in happiness and me in life until I again meet you.

Your disciple and lover even to death,

Emanuel Swedberg
London 1710, Oct.

[Enclosure.5]

To

The only Muse of our Age,

SOPHIA ELISABETH BRENNER

when she would sing her songs anew.

5 The M.S. of this enclosure is not now preserved. It was sent by Benzelius to Urban Hjärne, and was published by him in a volume entitled De illustri Sveorum potria Sophia Elisabetha Brenner, testimoniorum fasciculus n. d. (a Collection of Testimonies to the illustrious Swedish poetess, Sophia Elisabetha Brenner).

The muses revered of old by Rome or Greece

Came each from the brain of a God;

The Pierian muse revered in Svea's land

Is fruit of her own brain alone.

The muses owe name and life to prophet bards

But she to herself and her songs.

And 'tis to SOPHIA, BRENNER owes his fame

Owes song to Sophia, the muse.

And so to the muse, to self, and to her man

A Phoenix is she.

When the lyre

Is touched by her hand, she joins to strings such songs

That one must refuse every thought

Of her as a feignd muse.

As light excels

O'er darkness, o'er shadow the frame,

So tow'reth ELIS'BETH over every muse

That dwelt in Apollyon isle.

With laurel and ivy, thee alone the Swedes

Shall crown; who to them art the first

Of lettered and learned women in their land

And possibly shalt be the last.

Had Naso or Homer haply sung of thee,

Then thou alone hadst been the muse

Instead of the host they lauded high in song.

Methinks that an age yet to come

Shall humbly bow knee, arid thee their muse adore

As almost a goddess divine.

Thy soul shall escape the fire, the last cold ash,

And ne'er shall thy bettermost part

Know aught of grim death.

But lo, for thee 'tis sleep

I speak of--but pardon thou me

The men of a future age shall think of thee

Sophia, as goddess divine.

Not then to memorial cypress, stone or brass

Commit the upkeep of thy name,

A name that shall live for e'er. The stone shall fall

But thou and thy memory survive.

While in London, the young Emanuel made it his practice to take lodgings in the homes of skilled craftsmen, and this with the idea of learning something of their trade. This indicates that he had a native genius for mechanics, and the indication is confirmed by statements he makes in some of his letters, and also in his published works. On his first arrival in London, he lodged with "a watchmaker"--probably the name he gives to a watch-chaser, or engraver of watch cases--from whom he learned the art of engraving. Later he changed to a cabinetmaker, from whom he learned the art of mounting instruments; and in the Spring of 1711 he was living in the home of a maker of mathematical instruments.6

6 Such lodgings must not be regarded as remarkable; for in Stockholm, during the meetings of the Diet, the taking of lodgings at the houses of tradesmen, and even master workmen, was not at all uncommon even for noblemen. Moreover, it must be borne in mind that inns or hotels were not so common, even in London, as they later became. Emanuel, however, had a special purpose in seeking his lodgings.

Despite his humble lodgings, however, Emanuel, owing to the position of his father who was well known to English churchmen and was also greatly admired, had friends in high places. Among the foremost of these was John Robinson, the Bishop of Bristol whom the young Emanuel visited at Somerset House, his London residence. John Robinson (1650-1723) had resided in Stockholm for nearly twenty-five years, first as chaplain to the British Legation, and then as the British resident minister.

He spoke Swedish fluently, and had been well known to Jesper Swedberg, the Chaplain of the Royal Guards.

In 1710 Bishop Swedberg published a small book describing his personal investigation into the case of a Skane servant girl, Estrid, living near Malm, who was reputed to have gone without food for six years, and without drink for eight.7 In December of the same year, he wrote to his old friend, the Bishop of Bristol, giving some particulars of this case,8 and it is not unlikely that Emanuel carried the letter to Somerset House, for his father was equally anxious with himself that he should have an introduction to good circles. Certainly he shares with Bishop Robinson the knowledge of this curious case of the Skane servant girl, as shown by his reference to it in one of his later letters to Benzelius (p. 33).

7 This case and Bishop Swedberg's investigation of it, is referred to by Swedenborg in his Animal Kingdom II, 509, xx, p. 428.

8 Bishop Swedberg's letter was translated by the Bishop of Bristol, and published in a pamphlet of 22 pages (Lond. 1711) which was reviewed in the Memoirs of Literature for June 1711, p. 256 (see also New Magazine of Knowledge, 1791, p. 365).

It was also about this time, the end of 1710 or the beginning of 1711, that he first made the acquaintance of John Flamsteed who, some thirty-five years previously, had been appointed by Charles I the first Astronomer Royal of England. Flamsteed lived at the Royal Observatory in Greenwich, which had been built for him. It was here, some nine miles from London City, that Emanuel visited him, going down the Thames by boat, which was the usual way. The house, now known as "Flamsteed House," still stands as it was when the enthusiastic young student of mathesis had his many talks with the experienced Flamsteed, then a man of over sixty-five years. The principal topic of their discussions was the experiments Flamsteed was making with a view to compiling accurate tables of the motion of the moon, and this with the ultimate aim of discovering a method of finding the longitude at sea. Indeed, it was mainly with a view to the making of such a discovery that Charles II had established the Observatory and appointed Flamsteed as its head. It would seem that this visit to Flamsteed marks the time when the ambitious young Swede was first fired with the desire to discover the longitude--a desire which continued with him for many years.

In March 1711, he received a letter from his brother-in-law Benzelius full of news and highly flattering.

Benzelius informs him that the plague had at last ceased in Upsala, and this without the loss of a single individual. But during its continuance the University had necessarily been closed, and Benzelius had taken advantage of this forced leisure to form among certain of the more liberal professors a Collegium Curiosorum,9 the principal aim of which was the investigation of the facts of nature and the publication of experiments pertaining thereto. As a first step in this direction, the Collegium proposed to publish a description of some of the more notable inventions that had been made by Polhem. Speaking more specifically, Benzelius informs his young brother-in-law, that what is intended is the publication of a Physica Generalis, wherein Polhem's principles might be presented as a complete system (see Daedalus Hyperboreus, facsimile ed., Upsala. 1910, p. 61).

9 This Collegium was "Sweden's first literary society and the pattern of all its later scientific Academies and Societies" (Forssell, p. 164-5). The name Collegium Curisorum was first suggested by Polhem (Hildebrand, K. V. A. Frhist. 91).

Furthermore, on behalf of the University, Benzelius (though without specifying the means of payment) commissions the young Emanuel to purchase certain books, a microscope, and a twenty-four-foot telescope--the latter was for magister Vallerius's10 private account. He encourages his young relative to pursue his mathematical studies, and finally he asks him to inquire of the Swedish Ambassador, Carl Gyllenborg, as to the receipt of copies of a certain book lately published by himself in Upsala, and which had been dispatched to England in 1709. He had written on the matter to Count Carl Gyllenborg, but apparently had received no reply.

10 John Vallerius (1677-1718) was then Adjunct in Mathematics and Astronomy at Upsala University (Annerstedt, Up. Univ. Hist. II, I, p. 387). He was the youngest member of the Collegium Curiosorum.

Emanuel's answer to this letter is undated, but the precise Benelius marks it "1711, APRIL 30," probably the day of its receipt. It reads:

Highly Learned Herr Brother,

Some weeks ago I received my learned Herr brother's more than pleasant letter wherein among other things it pleased me that my d: brother had such confidence in me as to place on me some commissions which I will attend to with all diligence.

As regards the 24-foot telescope, I have ordered the glasses for it from Marshal, to whom Magister Valerius wrote, and who is said alone to have the approbation of [the] Royal Society.

They are, beyond all expectation, very expensive, namely, 40 shill, I not knowing if they might not be had cheaper in Holland. Others of the same trade ask 50 shill. Therefore, I refrained from ordering any for Magister Valerius, not knowing whether he is willing to pay that. When they are ready, and opportunity offers, they shall go on to Stockholm, together with Marshal's letter, who promised his best, having formerly sent orders of the same kind of goods to Switzerland and Russia. The Microscopium and some of the books shall also go on; begging that d: Brother will be pleased, in the meantime, appointera [to appoint] a merchant from whom Marshal may receive payment therefor, since I must set my appetite according to my store, and it is not allowed me to buy on credit, neither will our Swedish merchants give this to me unless they have authority to draw exchange therefor on Sweden, which generally amounts to 33-34 [Dahler Kopparmpnt1] per pound, instead of 26-27, when sent from Sweden.

1 Dollars in copper coinage; they were only one-third the value of dollars in silver coinage and much below the value of the Riksdahler. Thus L1 was equal to 33-34 dahl. kop., to 11 dahl. silf. and to 4 Riksdahlers.

If my Brother would like for the library a very good antila [air pump] with a pretty good supply of apparatus belonging thereto, and also with all the improvemens which [the] Royal Society has inventerade, the book about it, price, and a list of all that goes with it, shall follow in my next. Three of them are being sent to Russia, in that the Russians considerable section in this place, busying themselves mostly with mathesis and navigation, applicerande [adapting] themselves to mores principis2 [the ways of their prince] who, when he was here, showed himself remarkably inclinerad to such subjects. He also purchased from Mr. Edmund Halley, for 80 pound, the latter's incomparable quadrant which he used to discover the southern stars at St. Helena.3 and with which he made pretty good observations of the moon and the planets in 1683, 1684, etc.

2 Peter the Great who visited England in 1697, when he devoted much of his time to the study of practical shipbuilding.

3 In 1676, at the recommendation of Charles II, the East India Company invited Halley, then a young man of twenty years, to go on a voyage to St. Helena for the purpose of astronomical observation. In the course of the voyage and at St. Helena itself, he made many important astronomical observations.

I have inquired in all the bookshops and at the auctioner [auctions] for the books committerade to me [which I was commissioned to procure] but some were not found.

Cotelerii Monumentorum Gr. Eccl. Tom. I,4 is found in a bookshope in Paternoster Row, but one must pay for it almost the price of the whole work.

4 Ecclesiae Graecae Monumenta by Joh. Bapt Cotelerius. Paris, vol. I, 1627; vol. II, 1681. This work is a collection of thitherto unpublished Greek MSS. relating to the Greek Church, with a parallel translation into Latin.

Norris Reflections upon the Conduct of Human Life, I have bought, but the earliest edition,5 since no new edition has as yet come out apart [separately], but only together with his other works, such as his Christian Blessedness, Christian Monitor, Dialogue between two Protestants, Poetick Miscellanies, etc., which can be bought for to or 24 shill. I have read through this little treatise, finding him very subtil and ingenious, but he seems to use so many ambages [circuitous paths], and not to desire to discuss what alone he treats of, holding one ever in suspens as to what may be his conclusion, and as to what he would have.

5 "Reflections upon the conduct of human life with reference to the study of Learning and Knowledge. In a letter to the excellent Lady, the Lady of Masham; by John Norris... to which is affixed a visitation sermon by the same author, London, 1690." This is the first edition; a second edition is said to have been published in 1691. Norris was the leading English representative and interpreter of Malebranche, and his Reflections present much of the teaching in the French philosopher's Rcherrche de la Verit.

Bakers Reflexions upon Learning6 I have read through three times, finding in him my greatest delight; but I wonder that he approberar [approves of] nothing, but makes all that has been inventerad [discovered] and written, incomplete and unworthy of his esteem; which, if this was not authorns [the author's] only purpose, might redound to his own vitium [injury] and to his own refutation, in that he must reckon himself among those he refuterar, so long as he is reckoned as one among all.

6 "Reflections upon learning wherein is shewn the insufficiency thereof in its several particulars, in order to evince the usefulness and necessity of Revelation. The fourth edition. By a gentleman [Thomas Baker], London, 1708." This book enjoyed remarkable popularity and went through seven editions. Swedberg's comment on it agrees with the comment made in the Dict. of Nat. Biog.

I visit daily the best mathematicos in the city here. I have been at Flamstedt's who is held to be the best astromomus in England, making continual observations which, together with the Parisiensium Observat:

[Observations of the Parisians] will in time give us a true motum lunae et ejus appulsum ad stellas fixas [motion of the moon and its approach to the fixed stars] and, with the help of this, enable us to find at sea a definite longitudinem, he finding that the motus lunae [motions of the moon] are not at all correctly determined; and that all tab. Theoret motuum lunarium [theoretical tables of the moons motions] are very imperfect and that the same errores that have been found in the former periodo of 18 years, 11 days, again recur.7

7 This period of 18 years 11 days (223 lunations) is a recurring period, called the Saros, when eclipses occur with almost exact reproduction of their details (Hutchinson, Splendour of the Heavens, p. 222).

Newtonius, in his Physical Phenomenon,8 has laid a good foundation to regulate the irregularities of the moon; he has not, however, given out tables but a nudam theoriam9 [bare theory]; there he has also corrigeradt praecessionem aequinoct. Temp. access. et recess. aquarum, etc. [corrected the precession of the equinox at the time of the ebb and flow of the tides, etc.].

8 The reference is probably to Part III of Newton's Principia, entitled De Mundi Systemate. In the second and enlarged edition of the Principia, published in 1713, this third part is specifically headed "Phenomena," and it deals, though merely theoretically, with the matter referred to in our text.

9 It may be noted that Gregory, in his Astronomia, 1702, printed a "Theoria Lunae" by Newton; it was translated into English in 3 Miscellanea Curiosa, 1708, one of the works which the young Emanuel was reading at this time.

Will my d: Brother kindly ask Professor Elfvius what the meridianus or longitudo is in Upsala. I know that at one time he found it quite accurat by means of an ecclipsis lunaris; it will be of use to me. That my Brother encourages me to Mathesin is a matter I should rather be discauragerad in, since I have an immoderate desire thereto without this, and especially to Astronemien and Mechaniken. I make good use of most of my lodgings that I take here. First I was with a watchmaker, then with a cabinet-workman, and now am with an instrument masterman in brass, where I steal their trade which, in time, will be useful to me. I have lately, for my own pleasure calculated some useful tables for the latitudin. Upsalens.; also all the eclipses [symbol] et [symbol] [of the moon and sun] which are to take place from 1712-1721, being willing communicera them if this is desired.10

Could I so far advance in Astronom. as to facilitera calculationem ecclipsis et motus lunae extra syzigias [facilitate the calculation of the eclipse and motion of the moon outside the syzigies] and also to emendera tabulas according to the new observations, I would have reached far enough. Would my d: Brother like for the library The Philosophical Transactions, that is, everything that [the] Royal Society has deliberaradt and inventeradt since they began in 1660? Also A Collection of some Natural Phenomena publiserad 1707?11 I think I could get them, though they are very rarely obtainable; yet it will be quite useful publico [to the public], especially to the dessign of those who intend to commentera on Polhammar's positions, for probably things will be found there quite parallel with those positions. The book is too dear for me.

10 That is, desired by the newly formed Collegium Curiosorum.

11 The reference is to "Miscellanea Curiosa, containing a collection of some of the principal phenomena in Nature," [Edited by Edmund Halley] 3 volumes, Lend. 1705. A second edition was published in 1708.

When Polhammar's inventiones are published, will my Brother kindly communicera them to me, which will insinuera [serve as an introduction to] me to some mathematici whose acquaintance I desire to make. I wish I could be home, on such an occasion.

If d: Brother will kindly take it on him to order a quadrant for me from Polhammar's brother,12 it would very greatly obligera me; of 4 or 5 feet, of brass. If it is found advisable that he mark it out, he may do so in the same way that his brother marked one for Professor Spole, very accurat, which showed every 5th minut: secund [fifth second]. I think that my father13-

12 Polhammar's stepbrother was born to Polhem's mother in her second marriage. His real name was Jran Silker (Bring, Ch. Polhem, pp. 7-8), but he called himself Georg or Jran Polhammar. He was a mathematical instrument maker in Stockholm.

13 According to Mr. Stroh's printed edition of the Epistolae, this sentence would read: "I think that my father would not refuse to pay for it, if he sees anything over" [i.e., if he has any money left]: but this is conjecture, as the writing after min fader is illegible, partly owing to the crumbling away of the paper. It certainly contained about double the words printed by Mr. Stroh.

P. S. Grabii LXX14 has lately been published, but I have seen it only in octave, together with a little tractat in quarto on his Alexandrian Manuscript.l5

He was here for some time, but had to change his lodging every week because he was so overwhelmed with the many visitors.

14 Namely, Joh. Ernest Grabe's Septuaginta Interpretum, Tomus I, edited from the Codex Alexandrinus, accurately emended and supplemented by the aid of other copies, etc. This work was published simultaneously in a folio and in an octave edition, as follows: Vol. I, fol (vols. 1 and 2 8vo) in 1707, vol. IV (vol. 7 8vo) in 1709 Vols. II and III (3-6) were published in 1719, and 1720, after Grabe's death. His uncritical "emendations" destroy the value of his work as an edition of the Codex Alexandrinus.

15 This tract was published in 1705. It is a description of the Codex Alexandrinus (then preserved in St. James's Palace) which Grabe prefers to the Codex Vaticanus. Grabe had been a friend of Eric Benzelius during the latter's stay in London in 1700 (Forssell, Er. Benz. D. y., p. 46).

Ephraim Syrus is very well edited in Oxford in folio.16 They have procured for themselves an opus of all the poets in 2 tom: fol., together with an index universal.

16 Edited from the Bodleian MSS. by Edward Thwaites, Oxford, 1709. The MS. of this work which for many years had lain in the Bodleian Library wholly unknown was discovered by Eric Benzelius during his visit to Oxford in 1700 (Forssell, p. 43)

I have a great deal to communicera with my d. Brother in Historia Lifter., but time and the paper do not permit. In my next I will give an account of all I have read in [the] History of the Learned.17

17 History of the Works of the Learned, a monthly book review, established in 1699.

I asked Count Gyllenborg as to d: Brother's books, who said he had received the letter but not the books which are at Custom Houset which is holding them there until the duty is paid. There is great hazard for me in inquiring after them, since Vitis Aquilonia is a Catholic and superstitious book; and the importation of such books is subject to severe penalty, by an act of Parliamentet in 3 William and Mary's year. If I knew they were other, I would see to it that they be released.18

18 The book in question is Johanni Vastovii, Gothi, Vitis Aquilonia seu Vitae Sanctorum Regni Sveo-Gothici Emandavit et notis illustravit, Ericus Benzelius, Filius; Upsala 1708. [Vitis Aquilonia by John Vastovius the Goth, or the Lives of the Saints of Swea Gothia. Edited and furnished with notes by Eric Benzelius jr.] It is an account of the lives of Christian saints from A.D. 813 to 1525, and is full of marvelous tales. Benzelius is sure that Vastovius, whether or not he believed the accounts that he wrote, certainly did not invent them. Benzelius' edition was a reprint with illuminating notes, of the exceedingly rare first edition, Cologne, 1622 (Forssell, p. 113)

[This letter contains no signature, for which, indeed there was barely room.]

What with his ordinary expenses and the purchasing of books, the young traveler found himself at this time somewhat in need of funds. He had not received anything from his father beyond the two hundred Riksdalers19 with which he had been provided when he started on his journey in July 1710. Perhaps, in the meantime, he had received money from the sale in England of the iron produced by the Starbo works owned by his wealthy stepmother; perhaps also he had drawn a bill on his father the Bishop, whose name would, of course, be honored by the Swedish merchants of London who had so recently placed themselves under Bishop Swedberg's episcopal care. In any event, he was feeling the need of money, and so he wrote to his father, begging for a remittance, and promising not to incommode him by drawing bills on him. Owing to the disastrous military policy of Charles XII both before and after Pultava, and to the necessity of maintaining an army of defence against the Danes, Sweden was utterly impoverished. Despite this, however, Bishop Swedberg was not a poor man, for both his wives had inherited iron furnaces; and iron, being in large demand for the export trade, commanded a high price in Swedish currency. The young Emanuel, therefore, eventually received a sufficient supply of money, and was able not only to continue his travels but also to pay for the publication of books.

19 200 Riksdalers was equal to about L50. The purchasing value of this sum can be realized when we consider that the annual salary of the pastor of the Swedish Church was L40 plus two collections (Carlson, Svenska Kyrkan i London, p. 182), while that of the Astronomer Royal was L100 (which, however, he thought a scanty income) plus the free use of Flamsteed House (Diet. of Nat. Biog.).

Emanuel's last quoted letter to Benzelius was read to the Collegium Curiosorum, and the different questions which it raised were discussed by that body at its meeting on July tenth. The conclusions reached at this meeting were very flattering to the young traveler, who, but two years previously, had been a student under the professors who constituted the Collegium. These conclusions were: That he go to Flamsteed's and carefully examine his instruments and their markings, inquiring particularly how they are used at night. That he find out their cost. That he institute inquiries as to the latest [celestial] globes, what the learned think of them, what they cost, and whether the printed paper for them could be procured so that they could be made up in Sweden. That he be encouraged to continue in his work of facilitating the calculations of the eclipses of the sun and moon, and that he report what tables he had been using.

The Collegium further notes that "young Plhammar20 is not capable of correctly marking out a quadrant, the one he made for the late Professor Spole not being accurate," and therefore that young Herr Swedberg should find out the cost of quadrants in London, and whether they were made with a screw after Hooke's method. Professor Elfvius and Eric Benzelius promised to communicate these recommendations to their precocious ex-pupil.21

20 Christopher Polhem's stepbrother; see p. 22, note 12.

21 See Daedalus Hyperboreus, facsimile ed.; Upsala, 1910, Pt. I, pp. 66-67.

Accordingly, in the beginning of August, Emanuel received the following letter from Professor Elfvius, dated JULY 28, 1711:

Highly learned Herr Swedberg, good old Friend and Cousin,1

1 Professor Elfvius's brother Lars was married to Margareta Schönström, one of Emanuel Swedberg's first cousins.

I read with great pleasure Min Herr's letter written to the Librarian, and from it I perceive not only Min Herr's prosperous condition, but also the praiseworthy diligence Min Herr uses in Mathematicis studiis [the study of mathematics] and the branches pertaining thereto. Of this I am heartily glad, and I express my wish for still further fortune therein, in fulfilling so praiseworthy an undertaking.

I come now merely with some small matters which I think to be such as I myself have a desire to know, and as will be useful to Min Herr in his proposito [proposed work].

1. That in any event, cost what it will, Min Herr be present when Observationes are being made by Flamsteed, and see how he conducts them; give a satisfactory description of his instruments and of all the apparatus belonging thereto, especially of the divisionerne [division-marks] whether they are made by a limbo mobili [movable limb] after the manner of Hedraeus,2 or as transverse lines, as were Tycho's instrumenta, or with a screw in the limb as Robert Hook so much acclaims as against Hevelius;3 also whether he uses telescopium instead of dioptrerna [the diopters], and how it is fastened; how the instrument is set parallel with the horizon; and, above all, that Min Herr makes himself well acquainted with micrometren [the micrometer] which is set in tubo in concursu focorum [in the tube where the foci meet] whereby one obtains diametros planetarum, [the diameters of the planets] etc.

If we could get such a micrometer sent here, it would be well, for it is very useful, especially in observatione Eclips. Lunae [in the observation of the eclipse of the moon], etc.; how tuberne [the tubes], which are of twenty to thirty feet, regeras [are regulated]; together with other particulars which I cannot specificera.

2 Bengt Hedraeus (1608-1659), professor of "practical mathematics" in Upsala. His special interest was in astronomy, and for the pursuit of this he erected a private observatory--the first in Upsala. Among the instruments with which he furnished it, was a quadrant of his own invention, with a radius of 24 feet, and a movable limb whereby he could show not only minutes but also seconds.

3 Robert Hooke (1635-1702), Who had great inventive genius, advocated the use of telescopic sights as against Hevelius (1611-1687) With whom he conducted a bitter controversy culminating in a printed criticism (Animadversiones, etc., Lond. 1674) of Hevelius's instruments.

2. What came of Rob. Hook's observation, according to which, in his tractat, An Attempt to prove the motion of the earth, Lond., 1674, he would show motum terrae annum [the annual motion of the earth]; whether it receives the assent of eruditis [the learned], and whether the same observation is continuerat by others.

3. That one might obtain a list of all Flamsteed's writings. These the library would gladly possess in addition to what the Herr Biblioth. [Librarian] himself writes about.

4. I think Min Herr should apply himself somewhat to glass grinding to the least detail, that he may get to see the best procedure.4

4 This suggestion is undoubtedly occasioned by Emanuel's statement that he lodged with various master workmen in order to steal their trade.

5. What the learned Mathematici think of Newton's Principia Motuum Planetarum [Principles concerning the motion of the Planets],5 inasmuch as they seem to be pure abstractionand not physicae [physics], namely as to how the one corpus planet. [body of the planets] shall gravitera to another, etc., which seems to be unreasonable.

5 A subject dealt with in Newton's Principia.

6. Whether Flamsteed abides by the maxim. Obliquitatem eclipticae [the greatest obliquity of the ecliptic] 23"9', or by 23"30' as held by others.

7. What tabulae motuum lunae et [symbol] in ecclipsibus calculandis [tables of the motions of the moon and sun in the calculation of eclipses] are held to be the best.

As per request, there follows my observation of ecclipsis lunae [of the eclipse of the moon], 1706, 11/21 Oct.,6 together with the ecclipsis observation i Bononien [Bologna] by Manfred extracted from the Hist. Reg. Acad. Scient., Paris, 1706, p. 669....7

6 That is, October 11 Old Style, or according to the Julian Calendar, and October 21 New Style, or according to the Gregorian Calendar.

7 Here follows the observations referred to, which we omit. The text is printed in Swedenborg, Opera Quaedam, Holmae, 1907, I, p. 213.

If this eclipse has been observerat in London, one can clearly find diff. meridianorum [the difference of meridians] by collatione observationum [a comparison of the observations].

And now, with sincere commendation to God's protection, I remain ever,

My highly honored Herr's

ever ready servant,

P. Elfvius.

P.S. I recommend to Herr Swedberg's admirable curiosity to search out the above and all else that can be of service to our mathematiska wares, both among the learned and among other artifices [workmen]8 in London.

8 Undoubtedly another reference to the young Emanuel's statement as why he took lodgings in workmen's houses.

About the same time that Emanuel received the above letter, he also received a kindly letter from his brother-in-law, excusing him for his neglect in letter writing. Benzelius encloses a draft for 250 dalers kop mt., and orders the purchase of the Philosophical Transactions. Furthermore, in accordance with the instructions of the Collegium Curiosorum, he encourages young brother-in-law in his work of facilitating the calculation of eclipses; asks him as to the latest globes; informs him of young Plhammar's inability to mark a quadrant, and asks him to inquire the cost of a quadrant in London, and whether the instrument is made in Hooke's way with a screw in the limb.

Benzelius expresses concern over the continued delay in releasing his work on Vastovius, and asks his young correspondent to approach Bishop Moore9 and see if he cannot effect the release.

He also objects to Emanuel's characterization of Vastovius as "superstitious" (see p. 23). But he excuses him for his neglect in letter writing, seeing that he has been so occupied with studies.

9 John Moore (1646-1714), Bishop of Norwich and fly, was a low churchman and of a democratic nature. His library at Ely House consisted of about 29,000 books and nearly 1,800 MSS, and he was never happier than when he could show a visitor to London its treasures (Dict. of Nat. Biog.). The Bishop made all scholars, English and foreign, welcome, freely placing his library at their disposal, and our young Swedish scholar would naturally be among his visitors.

Soon after the receipt of these letters, the young Emanuel paid a visit to Flamsteed and showed him Elfvius's observations of the lunar eclipse in October 1706. These Flamsteed at once compared with his own observations (I Doc. conc. Swedenborg 574), though with what result is not known. The young student also made diligent inquiry of Flamsteed as to the various points that had been raised by his correspondents, and in the LATTER PART OF NOVEMBER he answered both Elfvius and Benzelius in a single letter, addressed to his brother-in-law, and enclosing a letter to his father:

Highly learned Herr Librarian,

Three weeks ago, a letter was sent off by a ship that was going to Gothenburg, but had such misfortune that it came back a few days ago together with some others. Meanwhile, came d: Brother's much longed for answer to my former letter, together with the draft which was sent to me on the Bibliothekets [Library's] account, namely, 250 Dlr. Kop.1 This sum is already used in part, on the books that were ordered in my Brother's last letter, all of which have been found and paid for excepting Philosophical Transactions, which by very careful inquiry, I finally got track of. All these shall be sent either to Gothenburg or Stockholm at the next opportunity, together with a very handsome microscopium. The glasses for the tubes, I am saving until my Brother's answer, since artifices [the makers] in general say that for a twenty-four foot telescope they have never made more than two glasses, but for a six or seven foot, four are made, adding that those that consist of four glasses can be used only in the daytime, but the others at night. Flamstedii [Flamsteed's] sixteen-foot telescope consisted of two. The glasses [made] as Hevelius directs, are ready and stand all tests. When they are sent over, a bill will accompany them, together with a list of all the appurtenances to the Antliam Pneumaticam [air pump], of which I have [the] authors original. It was described by him, and set up in a tractat in quarto.2

This also shall follow; it may either be put aside for my use, or be transferred to the Bibliotheket.

1 At the current rate of exchange, this would be about L7 10s. od.

2 The author of this MS. was Francis Hauksbee (d. 1713), and the printed quarto was entitled "A Catalogue of an improved Air Pump." It was accompanied by a drawing. A second edition appeared in 1717, after the author's death. The fact that the young Emanuel had the "Authors original" would indicate that there was more than an ordinary business acquaintanceship between the two men. Certainly the young investigator's intense curiosity in all that pertained to mechanics would greatly attract him to Hauksbee, who was an advanced experimentalist in natural science, and a fellow of the Royal Society.

In 1709, Francis Hauksbee published his Physico-Mechanical Experments. Emanuel bought this work for the Upsala Library, and he himself read it with intense interest. Although only a small work, it is full of novel experiments which opened entirely new fields of investigation. Thus, Hauksbee shows that the light resulting from friction on amber, glass, etc., in a vacuum, is due to a new force which he calls "electricity," and which he compares to the crackling and flashing of lightning. There are also many experiments dealing with the ascent of water in narrow tubes, between smooth plates, etc., a phenomenon of which Swedenborg makes frequent mention in his works.

To get the paper for the globes is almost impossible, for they are afraid of them being copied. On the other hand, those that are made up come quite dear. For this reason, I have thought to prick off a couple myself, propriis digitis [with my own fingers] of a moderate size only, to wit, 10/12 pedis Svecani [of a Swedish foot] (these I have under way), and send the plates over to Sweden and when I come home, perhaps to make others of more value. I have already so far acquired the art of engraving,3 that I think myself capable [competent] in it. In my father's letter, I am sending a specimen of this, which was the very first I laid hand to, as regards anything that I have inventeradt.4 In addition, I have learned from my landlord to make brass instruments so that I have made a large number for my own needs. Were I in Sweden, I would not apply to any one to make the meridians for the globes and aught else pertaining thereto.

3 Literally, "pricking art."

4 Probably an engraved drawing illustrating one of the many mechanical inventions which the young investigator lists in his letter to Benzelius of September 1714.

As regards astronomy, I have so far acquired it that I inventeradt [have discovered] a great deal which I think will be of use to that studio, though in the beginning I had much brainracking therewith. Yet, long speculations do not come hard to me now.

I have weighed the plans of all in regard to Longitudinis terrestris indagationem [investigation of the terrestrial longitude], but found they would not serve. I have, therefore, thought up a method, which is infallible, by means of Lunam [the moon] of which I am sure that it is the best that can be given; intending in a short time to inform [the] Royal Society that I have a plan in this matter which has such and such signa [signs]. If I find the gentlemen are favorable I will publishera it here, otherwise in France. I have also hit upon a lot of new methoder in respect to observationes planetarum, lunae, stellarum [observations of the planets, moon, stars], especially as regards Lunam and its paralaxes, seu diametrum and inaequalitates. These I wish publicae lucis facere [to bring to public light] if I find it opportune. I am now working through Algebram et Geometriam subtilem, intending to make such advance in these subjects as, in time, to be able to continuera Plhammars inventioner.

If the following books are not in the library, I await word as to whether they are wanted: Wilkins Mathematiska Works,5 whose writings are very ingeniousa. Isac Newtonii Series fluxionum ac differentiarum cum enumeratione Linearum tertii ordinis, [1711], a finger's thick book in quarto but quite dear,12 shill. Item, Ejustdem de Compositione Arithemtica in usum Academiae Cantabrigiensis, 1707. Ditton's Institutions of fluxions [1706] Here are also grand English poets who are worth reading through on account of their inventioner [imaginations] such as Drydens, Spen[s]ers, Wallers, Miltons, Cowleys, Beaumont and Fletchers, Shakespear, Johnsons, Bens,6 Oldhams, Benhams [Denham's], Phillips and [Edmunds] Smiths, etc.7

5 The edition of Bishop Wilkin's Mathematical Works here referred to, was published in 1708 (thirty-six years after the Author's death). It includes Wilkin's Natural Magic (first published in 1648) which young Emanuel must have read with especial interest as it displays the workings of a mind like his own, fertile in imagination, and keenly perceptive of the wide field open to the mechanical inventor. There can be no doubt but that it was this work that planted in the mind of the ambitious young Emanuel the germs that led to some of the inventions of which he speaks in his letter to Benzelius, written from Restock in 1714.

6 Evidently meaning Ben Jonson.

7 The reference is probably to the two folio volumes of the Collected Poets spoken of in the letter to Benzelius on p. 23.

As regards Wastovius, I will make inquiry of Bishop More who, at the present time, has not been in town but on visitation.

My Brother will have the goodness not to take it amiss that he [Wastovius] is called superstitieus, which can no more detract from the esteem one ought to have for the use that he performs in ecclesiasticis, than if Virgilius should be called a heathen. This proposition, I think cannot he controverted omnes catholici sunt sanctorum et pape sui adoratores; omnes sanctorum adorates sunt superstitiosi [all Catholics are worshipers of the saints and of their pope; all worshipers of the saints are superstitious]. His religion never deprives scriptorem [a writer] of his fame in Historicis [historical matters]. If my Brother's little dalklipping8 should casually be called a little piece of rusty copper, the intrinsick value which it has in itself is not thereby decreased but rather increased.

8 The name given to a small coin of copper with a little addition of silver, which was issued in 1521 and discontinued in 1521. Such a coin was contained in Benzelius's collection. Benzelius had been an ardent coin collector since boyhood (Forssell, p. 21). See p. 4.

Professor Elfvius is most humbly thanked for the communication of his observata ecclipsis.

I beg most respectfully that my Brother will be pleased to procure some brass quadrant for the library which, in the model now used, should enter into Sweden quite easily, since all others8a consist of iron with merely the periphery of brass. The wooden sextant is indeed large, but observations made with it do not seem to find the same acceptance as those made with a brass one of one-third the size. I am also giving a sketch of a new method [style] of quadrant which can observe everything, without calculatione Trigonometrica. Flamstedts largest [quadrant] stands in what is almost a crypta9 which has a prospect only to the meridian [south]. It rests firmly nailed to a stone wall and only its tube is mobilis. The instrument's subtensa is almost 130 and includes the whole arcum which is from the horizon to the pole. The division10 is a mixture of Hook's, Tycho's and others.

It is divided into transvers lines only to the minuta prima [minutes]; every 6th secund is shown by some divisions in a brass linea which is like one leg of a pair of scissors which cuts off each circle. Yet it is all one with Tycho's method, though, in the divisionen it is only a compendium; for the marks in the above mentioned brass plate are one and all in place of a circle on the instrument. In his observatory, he had also other quadrants all furnished with tubes and micrometr. which are set horizontal by a plumb-line. This is for a respectful answer to Prof. Elvii letter.

8a That is all those in Sweden. The large wooden sextant spoken of later in the text, refers to the sextant which was kept in the Upsala library (Forssell, p. 186).

9 The reference is to the mural arch constructed under Flamsteed's direction by his assistant, Abraham Sharp (Baily, Account of the Rev. John Flamsteed, 1835, p. 55).

10 i.e., the dividing of the mural are, which was done by Flamsteed's assistant Sharp, and which observed an accuracy never before attained anywhere (Dict. of Nat. Biog. s. v. Flamsteed).

It is furthermore asked what Flamstedius has published. These are Opera Posthuma Horoxii [1673]; also a little concerning Solis ecclipses as to how they can he put down so as to be reckoned in pleno. He has also published in folio his fifteen years observations, but they are not to be had. He told me that he had under press Constellationes Caelestes,11 as they are found in Hipparchus. He shows that when Bayerus12 emenderat [corrected] them, who was the first to mark them off, he mistook right for left, back for thigh, and had most erred in astro navis, quia ignarissimus fuit linguae Graecae [in the constellation Navis, because he was so utterly ignorant of the Greek language]. He prints the stars in the order in which they come to [the] meridian.13

11 Flamsteed's Histauia Coelestis came out in the autumn of 1712 in one folio volume. But Flamsteed repudiated it, owing to the alterations introduced by the Editor, Halley. In 1714, three-fourths of this edition were burned by Flamsteed himself, except for a certain part. Flamsteed's catalogue of stars was not published until 1725, six years after Flamsteed's death. In 1729 it was followed by an Atlas Coelestis with 28 maps.

12 The autograph has Majerus, but this is an error due either to mishearing or to a slip of the pen. The reference is to Johann Bayer (1572-1625), a German astronomer who, in 1603, published a celestial atlas in which he charted all the stars in Hipparchus, as preserved by Ptolemy, and introduced for the first time the method now in use, of designating the brilliancy of the stars in each constellation by Greek letters. Flamsteed maintained that Bayer had made errors due to his not understanding Ptolemy's Greek; see Baily, Life of Flamsteed, pp. 201, 203.

13 Flamsteed's numbering of the stars is still in general use.

When the plates of the globes come to Sweden, Prof. Elfvius will perhaps take the trouble to see that they are printed off and [the globes] made; I will send a specimen in my next; no paper may be sold.

P.S. Prof. Elfvius asks the judgment of Englishmen concerning Newtonii Principia, but in this matter may no Englishman be consulted quia caecutit in suis [because he is blind when it comes to his own countrymen] and it were crimen [a crime] to bring them14 in dubium [into doubt].

14 i.e., Newton's Principia, i. e., principles.

The Lunares tabulae most highly esteemed here are Horroxii Tabulae Brittanicae, Streetii [Tabulae] Carolinae, Greenwoods [Tabulae] Anglicanae. Flamstedius declared he had made infallibla tables in respect to Lunam. In Mathesi, no other writings are in use here in England, nor are the writings of others in any way estimeras [esteemed] but only their own countrymen's.

P.S. Since, until now, I have been wrapped up in my astronomic speculations, my Brother is gracious enough to excuse my negligence; I shall hereafter be more diligent in letting no occasion pass without paying my respects to d: Brother. I do not intend to come home this side of 1715 I long to see the Bibliothecam Bodlejanam since I have been through the small one that is in Sions College.15 I am left here in want of mony; I am surprised that my father has not taken more thought of me than to let me live on 300 Riksdalars, for what will soon be sixteen months,16 when he knows that I promised in a letter, not to burden him with any drawing of a bill on home. The iron does not arrive here for three or four months hence.17 It is hard to live like the wench in Skne, without food or drink.18

15 A theological college situated at the corner of London Wall and Phillip Lane, which has long since been pulled down. It possessed a very valuable library. The modern Zion College is situated on London Wall between Aldermansbury and Moorgate Street, on about the old site.

In a review of vol. 1 of the present work, the Rev. W. R. Presland, writing in the New Church Magazine for Oct.-Dec. 1948, made the following correction of this note: "The name of the old city thoroughfare just west of the Guildhall is Aldermanbury, and so long ago as 1886, Sion College (still so spelled), was removed from the vicinity of London Wall to the Victoria Embankment, almost a mile to the southwest, where it is housed in a beautiful, though not very lofty, building near the boundary line that separates London and Westminster." See further as to Swedenborg's visit in Notes and Corrections p. 11 footnote 11.

16 This indicates the latter part of August 1711 as the date of the letter; for Emanuel arrived in London in the beginning of May 1710. Since Swedenborg arrived in England on August 3d and not on May 10th, "almost 16 months" would indicate the latter part of November as the date of this letter.

17 Probably alluding to a consignment of iron from one of his mother's iron furnaces on which he probably expected to draw money.

18 See p. 17.

P.S. The postage money, my Brother will kindly charge to my account or my father's. Flamstedius has asked for Bilbergii Solem inocciduum.19 All the Syskon are greeted.

I suppose Brother Gustaf and Hinrick20 have not forgotten my former acquaintanceship. My little copper engraving can be taken out of my father's letter at the side--my rudimentum [first effort]. Sister Hedwig is thanked for her letter. Her letter, when she journeyed to Stockholm, arrived a week ago, being half a year old. Professor Elfvius should receive my respects in a letter. If a separate letter does not come, yet I will surely give obedient ear to his counsel. I hope soon to receive money from my father. This letter goes by post to Michel Grubb.21

19 i.e., Refractus solis inoccidui in septentrionalibus eller midnat solens rtta och synliga rum uti Nordlanden, 1695, by Prof. Joh. Bilberg. (The refraction of the setting sun in the north, or the midnight sun's real and apparent position in the northland.)

20 Two of Eric Benzelius's younger brothers. When he was in Paris Emanuel received a letter from Hinrick who was then with Charles XII; see p. 46.

21 A merchant at Upsala. It was through the same man that Eric Benzelius received a letter from Doctor Hudson of Oxford.

This letter also, like the former, was unsigned, and for the same reason. After writing it, the young Emanuel continued his studies in London while awaiting funds from his father which would enable him to take the trip to Oxford which he so greatly desired. It was during this period that he further developed his plan for finding the longitude at sea, whereby he hoped to receive the approbation of the learned.

Early in December, 1711, he was pleasantly surprised by the arrival of his two cousins, Pastor Andreas Hesselius and Gustaf Hesselius,21a the painter, who were on their way to America, Bishop Swedberg having appointed Pastor Hesselius to the charge of the Swedish congregations on the Delaware.

21a Their mother, Maria Bergia, was sister of Sarah B., Bishop Swedberg's second wife and Emanuel's stepmother.

During their temporary stay in London, the two brothers, who hitherto had known only small Swedish towns which were almost villages, were shown by their cousin Emanuel the sights and wonders of the great and amazing metropolis London.

From a fragment of a diary kept by Hesselius, and which is preserved in the Royal Library of Stockholm, we learn that on January 13, 1712, the three young men visited the shop of the Royal Watchmaker Antram, and there saw, to use Hesselius's words, "a rare and clever piece of work [a clock] which went only when the light was lit and set on the work; and as soon as the light was put out it stopped."* This clock aroused young Emanuel's mechanical curiosity, and he made particular inquiries of Antram himself, who, while showing him the inner parts of the clock, yet refused to tell him the secret of its mysterious working.

This, he said, no one had yet discovered, and he refused to enlighten the young man any further.

* Concerning this Diary, see note to p. 343.

Perhaps Hesselius had brought from Bishop Swedberg the funds so greatly needed by Emanuel. At any rate, on the morning of Wednesday, January 16,* the latter took coach to Oxford (Hesselius, Dagbok), here later he was joined by his friend Alstryn.

* January 16 was a day of public prayer and thanksgiving for the conclusion of peace with France (Hesselius 44).

Here he visited the Boilleian Library, and saw its famous collection of books and MSS. Here also he made the acquaintance of the Librarian, Doctor Hudson (1662-1719), to whom, doubtless, he had a letter of introduction from Doctor Hudson's friend and correspondent, Eric Benzelius. Doctor Hudson told him of the literary plans he himself had in mind, and they also discussed Eric Benzelius's works. The librarian was naturally anxious to procure copies of the latter, and was interested in Emanuel's story of the difficulties that attended the importation of Benzelius's edition of Vastovius, one copy of which was of course, intended for Doctor Hudson.

But what probably more greatly interested Emanuel was his meeting with the Savillian Professor of Mathematics, Edmund Halley, the future successor of Flamsteed.

His conversations with this learned man, who was, however, his senior by only six years, naturally revolved about the problem of how to find the longitude at sea--a problem then prominent in the minds of so many men. Halley had been active in providing some of the means necessary to the solution of this problem by his accurate observations of the heavens during his two voyages (1676-78, 1698-1700) to the southern hemisphere. It would seem also that he suggested to his young friend a method in which the problem might he solved by observing the eclipse of the larger stars by the moon.22

22 Swedberg, Forsk at finna stra och Westra lengden, Ups. 1718, Preface.

The mind of the young Emanuel was, however, intent on his own method, and this he presented to Doctor Halley. It would appear that the latter pointed out certain defects in this method, but despite this Emanuel still thinks that no solution will be found better than his own, "and least of all Doctor Halley's"; and he adds, "this he admitted to me orally."

In the course of his conversations with Halley, the latter told him that he (Halley) had been the first to observe the variation of the pendulum at the equator. This he had observed during his voyage to the south, though hitherto he had been silent on the matter.

While at Oxford, the young student does not confine himself to learned discussions, to attendance at university lectures, to visits to the library. He is evidently feeling the effects of his prolonged and brain-racking studies. Perhaps also his conversations with Halley had somewhat dampened his sanguine anticipation that his solution of the longitude problem would receive a favorable hearing in England.

Even while in London, he had turned to the reading of the English poets by way of recreation. And now he turns to the writing of poetry as an outlet to his own feelings. He wanders into the lovely English country, and indulges in sweet dreams which he describes in poetic lines,--probably having in mind the eventual publication of his verses.

By July he had returned to London where he seems to have continued to relax his mind by the writing of poetry. But his eagerness to meet the learned continued, and now he was fortunate enough to make a new friend in the person of Doctor John Woodward,23 a Fellow of the Royal Society, who introduced him to other members of the learned world. Doctor Woodward was the author of A New Theory of the Earth (1695) which had aroused considerable interest as an attempt to give scientific proof of the Scriptural account of a universal flood. But the subject in which he most excelled was the study of fossils, on which subject he was one of the greatest authorities in England. He had a fine private collection of fossils of every kind, and there can be little doubt but that the enthusiastic owner showed his treasures to his young friend, and so turned Emanuel's attention to a subject to which he gave much thought on his return to Sweden.

Doctor Woodward strongly recommended the purchase of the three volumes of John Lowthorp's digest of the Philosophical Transactions up to 1700, in which the learned articles are abridged and disposed under general heads such as Mathematics, Astronomy, Mechanics, Magnet, Chemistry, Anatomy, etc. The publisher's price was forty shillings, but Emanuel seems to have secured a secondhand copy for fifteen shillings. He read through the work with enthusiasm.

23 Doctor John Woodward (1665-1728), naturalist and geologist, was at this time a professor in Gresham College. He was greatly interested in the Royal Society, and contributed several papers to its meetings. His "An Attempt toward a Natural History of the Fossils of England" (2 vols.) was printed in 1728-1729. In an elaborate Catalogue of his collections, he is said to have "described his rocks, minerals and fossils in a manner far in advance of his age." By his will he left all his personal estate to the University of Cambridge; and the present Woodwardian professorship of geology, and the Woodwardian Museum at Cambridge, are the result.

He also continued his inquiries about scientific instruments needed by the Upsala professors. This led him to visit Marshall, the famous mathematical instrument maker. Marshall showed him his latest invention, a microscope whose effectiveness was increased by a device whereby the object to be seen was illuminated by the light of a candle. He also gave to the young student the great delight of seeing some of the marvels of interior nature revealed by this microscope, as for instance, the actual flow of the blood in the web of a frog.

Meanwhile, Emanuel continued his efforts to release the copies of Vastovius which had been held in the English Custom House since 1709 The detention of these books had been a great disappointment to him, as his brother-in-law had designated him as the agent to present them to various learned men, and he had hoped thereby to extend the circle of his acquaintanceship. The Custom House was firm, however, and he had little hopes of getting the books out prior to his proposed departure from England at the end of 1712 or the beginning of 1713. However, among his friends he included a man who, because of his influential position, could be of great use to him in this business. John Chamberlayne (1666-1723) was the editor and owner of the publication Magnae Britanniae Notitia, or The Present State of Great Britain with divers remarks upon the ancient state thereof, a publication which had been founded by his father in 1667, and which was continued until 1755, having seen thirty-six editions. Mr. Chamberlayne was not only an experienced man of the world, he was also a learned and pious man, being a Fellow of the Royal Society and a Member of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel-of which, in June 1711, Bishop Swedberg had had the honor of being elected a member. He showed his young friend that the release of Vastovius might be accomplished if Benzelius were to file certain information with the customs authorities; and if this could not be done before Emanuel's departure, he offered to take charge of the matter.24

24 It appears that the books were finally released, for the Bodleian library received its copy.

Meanwhile, young Alstryn was returning to Sweden where he had received an appointment, and Emanuel took advantage of his return, to ship home not only the things he had purchased for the
Upsala Library, but also his own books and other things with which he would not wish to be encumbered during his travels on the Continent.

Of course, he is in need of money, and especially now, when he is contemplating further travels. He writes to his father on this subject, and Benzelius also promises to intercede for him. He had also written to his brother-in-law informing him as to the requirements which must be filled before the Custom House would release Vastovius. Later he wrote to Eric Benzelius the following letter which is undated, but which Benzelius marks "London, 1712, 15 AUGUST--evidently the date of its receipt:

Highly honored d: Brother,

Some time ago, I had the honor to answer d: Brother's letter which was left with Allberg1 to be sent over when occasion offered; and, since a ship has several times been reported to have departed, I hope that this also has come to my d: Brother's hands. I have often thought to overwhelm d: Brother with letters, but since they would necessarily become steriles, if they frequently followed one another, it is probably better that I save them up one time or another, and draw them together into a single letter, to the end that this may become the more weighty.

1 Jonas Alberg, a London merchant and member of the Swedish church. (See Carlson, Sv. Kyrkan i London, p. 174)

In the above mentioned letter, and likewise in one which was written to my father, I most dutifully gave an account of what pains I had taken in the matter of getting the books out of [the] Customhuset, which cannot be done if the circumstantier [particulars] which were there set forth by me, be not supplied. Some of d: Brother's acquaintances desired to have them, and have begged me to make this known to d: Brother, that if these cannot be got out, others may be sent here in their stead.

Since I am travelling, I will lose the opportunity of procuring for myself friendship with my Brother's welcome presents to the learned; but John Chamberlain with whom I am very well acquainted and who has written the present state of England, has promised, and obligcrat [obligated himself], as it were, that if other of d: Brother's learned books are sent over, such as Vitis Aquilonia, etc., that he will take charge of them to distribute them to those they are intended for, and to sell the rest; which also I requested, provided that he so much desired the office. He promised to take the others out of the Customhouset if the things above-mentioned are set forth particulariter [in detail].

As it is probably known to d: Brother what pains I have spent in mathematics, were I iterera [to repeat], it would be unpleasant to hear. Yet, the inventioner that I have made therein, I give a list of in my letter to Prof. Elfvius.2 As concerns my invention de longitudine terrestri invenienda per Lunam [concerning the finding of the terrestrial longitude by means of the moon], I am sure that it is the only one that can be given, and is the easiest method and in every way the correct one. The only thing that can be objicieras against it, is the fact that the Luna is not altogether redigerat [reduced] to its course by means of tabulas lunares, but Flamsteed promises these, and has shown me that he has done so well, that they will correspond in every way et sine errore [and without error] to the moon's course. If this is true, I have won the whole play, and I make bold to say (after I have well weighed the matter) that none of the others who have wished to find the Longitudinem by means of the moon, has won it. I will merely ponera [suppose] that were the Lunae motus rectificerad [movements of the moon rectified], even then, no one's methoder--of those which are projecterade by others--could be used better than this, and least of all Doctor Hallee's--this he admitted to me orally. But since here in England, with this civilt proud people I have not found great encouragement, I have therefore separeradt it [laid it aside] for other lands. When I tell them that I have a project in regard to the Longitude, if is received by them as something which is quite impossible, and so I will not talk of it here. Perhaps, if what I enclosed is confereras [discussed] with Mathematicis [the mathematicians], it should be possible to send it over to some French Mathematicum, or Abby Begnion [Abb Bignon] to give his judgment concerning it.

2 The inventions or discoveries here referred to, are probably the same as those which were later described to Abb Bignon. See p. 49.

Since my speculations have made me, for a time, not so sociable as was serviceable and useful for me, and my liveliness has become somewhat exhausted, I have, therefore, for a little time taken up studium poeticum in order thereby to freshen myself; in this I think to make myself somewhat renomerad [renowned] this year3-of which, on another occasion; and I hope to have advanced therein as far as can be expected of me, of which, time and others will decide. Yet, I think to take up mathesis again, after some time, though I also pursue it now; and if I become encouragerad therein, I mean to make more inventiones therein than any one in our aetate [age]; but without encouragement, this were to torment oneself et non profecturis litora bubus arare.4

3 This is all early intimation of Emanuel's intention to publish a volume of poems, an intention which he carried out in 1714.

4 "and to plough the shore with stationary oxen," (Ovid, Heroid. V. 116).

I have been to Woodward who was so civil to me that he took me to some of the learned and the members of [the] Royal Society and also to one who, he related, had conducted d: Brother to a Doctor Postelwort5 (I think that is his name), who talked enough about d: Brother and his design in Syriac, and both beg me to give their hearty remembrances.

5 Probably John Postlethwayte, Headmaster of St. Paul's School. It was owing to his influence that Arabic was introduced into Oxford (Dict. Nat. Biog.).

Mag. Alstryn will likely notificera [give an account of] what Hudson in Oxford has in mind. He was somewhat displeased that he so rarely received a letter from d: Brother, which he often wishes for, and also for copier of Chrysostomo.6

6 The reference is to an edition of Chrysostom's Homilies, edited and translated into Latin by Eric Benzelius from a manuscript unearthed in the Bodleian Library during his visit there in 1700. He published it in 1702 as a disputation, following it by some additional homilies in 1705 (Forssell, pp. 43, 93-4). Copies of the work and also of Vastovius, and another of Benzelius's publications were sent to London in 1709 for distribution, but were delayed in the Custom House, as already noted.

I am sending over a part of the books which it was most graciously commanded me to purchase:7

7 This list is printed as it appears in the MS.

Miscellanea Curiosa in three volumes8 ............... 13 shill
Notton's [Wotton's] reflection[s] upon the ancient and modern learning ........................... 4
[Norris], The reflection upon the conduct of human life .................................................... 1 6
[Baker], Reflection upon learning................... 3 6
Hawksbee Physico mechanical experiments............. 6 0
Leslie, thruth of Christianity........................................ 2 0
Letter to Sir Jacob Banck9........................... 0 3
Glasses for a tube of 24 foot ....................... 40 0

L3.10.3

8 These volumes were edited by Edmund Halley, and contained, for the most part, his own papers and travels as recorded in the Philosophical Transactions.

9 Sir Jacob Banks (1662-1724) was horn in Stockholm, but became a naturalized Englishman, and by marriage a man of wealth, and a member of Parliament. He was an ardent tory and voted for Sacheverell when the latter was condemned by the Whig government. In consequence, in 1710 he published for his constituency in Minehead. Somersetshire, a loyal address to Queen Anne, in which he proclaimed what was afterwards called the "Minehead doctrine" of the divine right of kings. Banck's publication was answered in the anonymous pamphlet listed in the text. The author was William Benson. His references to the autocratic acts of Charles XI and XII of Sweden gave great offence in that country and led to the pamphlet being forbidden there.

In the same box I am sending a large quantity of my own books, mostly mathematical, being those which I used in this place; and with them some of my instruments--part of the books and instruments I am keeping. I confide to d: Brother to take charge of them, though if it is desired they may be shown to Prof. Elfvius. I am still a few points in debt which I will pay off by means of other books. The Microscopen was not bought since it comes to too much, namely, 4 guinies and the other kinds are little worthy of being in a bibliobhek. As concerns the Antlian [air pump], I am sending the author's book, wherein is found a drawing, and he has described what pertains to it. If I find out that it is wanted, I will write to Hawksbee from another place, that he shall attend to the dispatching of it, which he promised me he would do.

A great many books are worth having.10 Harris Lexicon of the Sciences and arts, where is also contained great deal of Mathematiks. Philosophical Transactions and collections aged 1705 by John Lowth; it wil cost fifty shill: which was me recom[men]ded by Doctor Woodward, because it contains a thing what has been transacted in the Royal Society and is reduced in order, what else is dispersed in the Philosophical Transactions. I have read it through, it is pity that it is not translated in Latin. The Memoirs of Literature: in the literatur history, in folio.11 etc. and several other books, who, methinks have not escaped your, Sir! knoledge. I design within space of three or four months with Gull's assistance to be in French, because I desire the understanding of that fashonable and useful tongue. I hope there to have or find some letters from you, Sir! to some of the learned correspondents, especially to Abby Bignion, whose acquaintance with a writing from your hand, I mightely desire and wil easely obtain.

10 From here on and up to the last "P.S.," the letter is written in English.

11 The Memoirs of Literature was a weekly review of learned works. British and Foreign. It commenced in 1710-11 in folio size, but was reduced to 8vo in subsequent years.

Your great Kindnes and favour that I so many times have had proof of, makes me to believe, that your advises and writings to my father, wil occasion him to be favourable in sending me what is necessary to a yourny, and what wil give me new spirits to make further steps in what my busines is.11a Believe that I more wish and endeavor to he an honour to my father's and your's house, than on contrary you could wish and endeavour me to be.

11a From a letter written to Benzelius on October 5, 1718 (p. 199), it appears that the latter did approach Bishop Swedberg on Emanuel's behalf. See p. 240, where Emanuel writes that his journeys were at his own expense.

P.S. I should have bought the microscope, if the prise has not been higher, than I could venture to take it before your orders: it is what Master Marshal shewed me that in particular that it is a new and his own invention, and that it shows the motion in fishes12 very lively. it was a glas under it with a candle, which made the thing and object lighter: so that any could se the swiftnes of the blood in fishes like smal rivulets: which flowed in that manner and fastnes.

12 Perhaps what is meant is frogs, in the webs of which the movement of the blood is readily seen by the microscope.

P.S. Near a wathchmaker Master Antram I did see a curiosity, which I can't forbear communicating: it was a clock which was still and without any motion. On the top of it was a candle, in which when he put fire, the clock presently did go and kept its true time: But as soon as the candle was quenched the motion was stopt, and so further: On the top and near the candle was nothing that could be heated by the flame or fire and set the clock in motion. He did show me the inward parts, which were wholly different from other clocks. We told that no body yet has found the causes, how it comes by the candle so often has in wil in motion.

P.S. Sister Anna, my dear Sister Hedwig, and Brother Eric Benzelius the little, are most heartily greeted by me. I always long to hear how they are.13

13 Like the two preceding letters, this also is unsigned.

The exact date when Emanuel left England is not known, but various indications point to December 1712 or January 1713. In any event, it is certain that he spent more than two and a half years* in that country, distinguished alike for its political freedom and for the zeal of its learned men in freely investigating the phenomena of nature--years which must necessarily have had a marked effected in moulding the mind of the eager young student, who came to England in his twenty-second year.

* Since Swedenborg arrived in London on August 3, 1711, this should read "spent a little less than".

He had intended going from England to France, but instead, event to Holland, perhaps better to prepare himself for astronomical studies, for Holland was then famous for the grinding of lenses; Perhaps to be in Utrecht during the sessions of the great Congress of Utrecht at which the British plenipotentiary of the great father's friend, John Robinson, Bishop of Bristol, see p. 16. The Congress opened its sessions in January, 1712.

We know from his own account that he went to the principal cities in Holland.14 These must have included The Hague, where doubtless he first made the acquaintance of the Swedish Envoy Extraordinary, Baron Johan Palmqvist (1652-1716), and of the latter's secretary, the learned Oxford graduate Joachim Frederick Preis (1667-1759). He must also have visited Amsterdam, the money center of Holland, for the purpose of cashing his bills of exchange.

14 Resebeskrifning, p. 3.

He spent some time in Leiden, and there he followed his English custom of lodging with master workmen, in order to steal their trades. In this case it was the home of a glass grinder. From him the young Emanuel learned the art of glass grinding, and in order to pursue the art after his return to Sweden, he purchased all the necessary tools and implements.

The longest stay, however, was at Utrecht during the meeting of the great Congress which ended on April 11, 1713. Here Emanuel came into intimate contact with the Swedish Representative at the Congress Baron Palmqvist whom he visited every day. Palmqvist was himself a mathematician, and since his duties at the Congress were of a minor character, Sweden being more or less a passive spectator, he had much time in which to discuss mathematical subjects with his enthusiastic young friend; nor can we doubt but that among the subjects of discussion was that friend's mathematical inventions, and particularly his method for discovering the longitude at sea. Another subject of discussion was the eager Emanuel's proposal that a society for physics and mechanics patterned after the Royal Society in England, be established in Sweden--a project which was favored by Palmqvist.

During his stay in Utrecht, Emanuel received many favors from Palmqvist's subordinate, Secretary Preis, in whose company he doubtless witnessed some of the interesting sights connected with the Congress, and here, his acquaintance with his father's old friend, Bishop Robinson must have stood him in good stead.

From Utrecht he again visited Leiden and there saw the Observatory with its newly constructed quadrant, the finest he had ever seen. Unfortunately the Observatory was without an Observator, and Emanuel makes up his mind that, after his visit in France, he will again return to Leiden and then ask permission to take observations with the great quadrant--hoping thereby to obtain for himself the data as to the moon which were necessary to complete his "invention." With Palmqvist's assistance he would doubtless have obtained this permission.

During his sojourn in Holland, Emanuel did not forget to refresh his mind occasionally by the writing of poetry. Thus, he received a letter from his father telling him of the fire at Brunsbo, the remarkable thing about which was, that though the whole house was burned to the ground with all its contents, yet two copies of the Bishop's edition of the Swedish Psalm book* which had been lying on a table, and also his Catechism, were afterwards found with only the binding slightly scorched; from which the pious Bishop concluded that God had accepted his work.

Even more wonderful was the preservation of a copper-plate engraving of the Bishop himself which was found under the ashes unharmed--a circumstance that was the more remarkable since the heat remained in the charred timbers beneath the ashes for three months.15 In his answer to this letter, the dutiful son enclosed the following lines:

* Hymnbook. The Swedish word for Hymnbook is psalmbok.

15 This fact was later alluded to by Swedenborg in his Miscellaneous Observations, London, 1847, p. 34.

To the copper Effigy of my father

which was not melted and de-

stroyed in the burning of his house.

List to the marvel I shall tell thee:

This image lay beneath the flames unharmed

While those same flames the household gods destroyed.

Father, thou art a Phoenix; born again of fire,

Through flames thy living form pursues its way.*

* These lines were written in Paris; see Jesper Swedberg, Lefwernes Beskrifning, p. 376, where the verse written in Holland is also printed.

These lines, together with a poem of some pretension that he wrote in Leiden in honor of Baron Palmqvist and his wife and new born babe, he later published in his Ludus Heliconus.

Before leaving Holland, Emanuel had a letter from Eric Benzelius giving him instructions to have the English microscope sent over from London, and also endosing a letter of introduction to the Abb Bignon. Doubtless he received introductions to the Swedish Embassy in Paris from Baron Palmqvist and Secretary Preis, both of whom had been stationed in Paris before going to The Hague. It speaks much for the young Emanuel's mind and conversation, that the Baron was loth to lose his companionship, but he promised to return to Holland in the spring of 1714.

He left for Paris early in May, 1713, having stayed in Holland about five months. Naturally he first paid his respects to the Swedish Envoy, Cronstrom, and thus met the Embassy's Secretary, Gedda,15a with whom he became somewhat intimate. Soon after he arrived in Paris he was ill for six weeks.

Illness was a rare thing in his life, and no other serious illness has been recorded of him save in his last days; but see p. 94. He was a remarkably healthy man, and of great endurance, as shown by the many travels he undertook even in his advanced years. When he was seventy-two, Cuno, who knew him well, writes of him: "He is, for his years, a perfect wonder of health, and though he is more than twenty years other than I*, I should be afraid to run a race with him, for he is as quick on his legs as the youngest man" (Cuno's Memoirs, p. 16).

15a Peter Niklas Gedda (1675-1758). In 1730 he was ennobled Baron von Gedda.

* Cuno was then sixty years old.

It was during this illness that he received from Hinrik Benzelius, Eric's brother, a letter which, as a loyal Swede and an enthusiastic admirer of Charles XII, he must have read with the greatest enthusiasm. It was dated April 30/May 11 and was sent from Timurtasche, a pleasure castle near Adrianople. After the utter defeat of Charles XII at Pultava, the Swedish King had taken refuge in Bender. Here he had remained as the guest of the Turkish Government which hoped for assistance from him against the Russians. The relations between the Turks and the haughty Charles became strained and, finally, at the end of January 1713, the Turks attacked the Swedish camp and took Charles prisoner, after he and some twenty faithful followers had made a desperate resistance. They led him finally to Timurtasche, where he was held prisoner, though in luxurious confinement, especially after news hall reached Turkey of Stenbock's glorious victory over the Danes in Gadebusch. Some of these exciting events, must have been communicated to the young Swede by his correspondent Hinrik Benzelius, who had been with the King in Bender just before the Turkish attack, and who certainly wrote concerning the King's desperate fight against the whole Turkish army. Benzelius also informed Emanuel concerning Charles XII's preacher Eneman who together with some of the Swedish officers, had been sent on a mission, probably political, to Palestine.16

16 A few days before Hinrik Benzelius wrote his letter, Charles XII appointed Eneman professor of oriental languages in Upsala. He returned to Sweden in October 1714, and died the same month a few days after his installation (Annerstedt, Ups. Univ. Hist., vol. 11, pt. 2, p. 75)

Early in August, after recovering from his illness, the enthusiastic young student hastened to call on his brother-in-law's correspondent and friend, Abb Bignon, the eloquent dean of St. Germain l'Auxerrois.

Jean Paul Bignon (1662-1743) was one of the best informed among the learned men of France. Indeed, he was called by a contemporary "the maecedas of his age and the guardian angel of the sciences and of learning" (Hist. Acad. Roy. des Sc. 1743 p. 189). He was not distinguished for research or discovery, but rather for his culture, his immense reading, and the encouragement he gave to others. Indeed, he was in many respects like his friend Eric Benzelius, save that the one was a Catholic priest and the other a Lutheran clergyman. He was the reviver and editor of the Journal des Scavans, and in 1718 was appointed Royal Librarian--an office which he still held when Emanuel again visited Paris in 1736-37.

The Abb received the young Swedish traveler with great cordiality, and the latter at once launched into his mathematical inventions, including his method for finding the longitude. Partly because these inventions were, as yet, recorded only on scraps of paper, and partly, perhaps, from caution, he gave the Abb merely a summary of them. But he asked that they be brought to the attention of the Academie Royale des Sciences--a body formed a little earlier than the Royal Society of England--which Bignon had lately revived and of which he was then the Secretary (loc. cit.).

That these inventions might be competently examined, Bignon at once gave his young Swedish visitor a letter of introduction to the great mathematician Paul Varignon (1654-1722), a member of the Royal Society of both France and England, Professor of Mathematics in the Mazarin College, and Professor of Philosophy in the Royal College.

With this letter, Emanuel at once called on the learned Varignon, and had long discourse with him on the subject of his inventions. Indeed, he seems greatly to have impressed the learned professor, for he visited him several times in the course of a single week.

It was doubtless through Varignon that he was introduced to the latter's intimate friend Phillipe de la Hire, the great French Astronomer, with a view to a closer examination of his method of finding the longitude at sea-a problem which was in the minds of all the learned of that time. But despite all these visits and conferences, it does not appear that the young enthusiast's inventions were ever submitted to the Royal French Academy of Sciences.

Indeed, the enthusiastic young student seems to have had no more success in securing the interest of the French in his invention than he had in securing that of the English. This, perhaps, was partly due to the fact that only a few years ago Cassini had published a method of finding the longitude by observing the eclipse of a fixed star by the moon, which, superficially, bore some resemblance to the method invented by the young Swede.

A common bond of interest between the French Astronomer and the enthusiastic young Swede would be the fact that the latter had so recently met the famous English Astronomer Edmund Halley. Very naturally, Emanuel, in advocating his method for the discovery of the longitude, would inform de la Hire of Halley's admission that, if the motion of the moon could be rectified, then, of all the methods that had been put forth, Emanuel's alone would be of actual use. He also informed de la Hire of Halley's statement, that he (Halley) was the first to observe the variation of the pendulum at the equator, though he had not published the fact. The French Astronomer, however, rose in defence of his own countryman Cassini, and answered that the latter had made this discovery, and had also published it, before Halley had made his voyage to St. Helena.

It was about this time that Emanuel was aroused to the advisability of making a detailed formulation of his method for finding the longitude, and of putting it into print. In the London Guardian of July 14, 1712 appeared an advertisement in which William Whiston announces that anent the longitude problem, he has a new discovery "to propose to the world" (Whiston, New Method, etc., p. 25). When Emanuel's attention was called to this advertisement, he thought to anticipate Whiston by hastening the detailed formulation of his own method. This, however, remained as a thought, for his invention was still in the form of notes on "scraps of paper" until four years later, when he made it public in an article in the Daedalus Hyperboreus, and afterwards (1718) in greater detail in a Swedish publication.

Meanwhile his mind is wholly occupied with mathematical studies, with discussions with the learned French Academicians, with visits to the Royal Library, then an adjunct to the Royal Palace, and probably with attendance at the public meetings of the Royal Academy of Sciences; also with a search of the Paris bookstalls for works that will advance his studies.

It was while engaged in these activities that he wrote the following letter to his brother-in-law, dated AUGUST 9/19 1713:

Most honored d: Brother,

Since the letter which I sent to d: Brother from Holland by the post yacht, I have not had the honor of further paying my respects to my Brother. It pains me that this [time] has passed. Afterwards I betook myself from Holland with the intention of better improving myself in Mathesi and also to carry out my dessign which I have therein.1 Alter I arrived here, I became hindered by an illness which continuerat for six weeks, and took me from studies and all else that is useful; but still I am now at last restitueradt [restored to health], and am beginning to make myself known to the most learned men in this place. I have been at de la Hire's, who is now a great astronomus, and was formerly a great geometra, and have made his acquaintance. I am also very often at Warrignon's who is the greatest geometra or algebraisten in this place, and perhaps the greatest in Europe. Eight days ago I was at Abb Bignons; gave him greetings from my Brother, which resulted in my being received by him in a very friendly way I offererade him three inventioner to look through and examine and to bring to the Society.2 They are the following: Two in algebra: [1] Ope primi inventi quod innumero plura et utilissima possit analysis Algebraica praestare quae usitata analysis nunquam praestare potuit, which I demonstrate by more than a hundred examples. 2. In secunda inventione sistitur nova Methodus Algebram tractandi, qua ignota quantitas non per aequalitatem sed via breviori et magis naturali per proportiones Geometricas et Arithemticas inquiritur. [3]. Tertia inventio est de Longitudine Terrestri invenienda; under these words afferuntur indicia methodi cujusdam facillimae, et si signa spectas verae et genuinae longitudinem terrestrem terra marique inveniendi.3

These three inventioner I have worked out to some extent, but in specimine meo,4 I have merely set them forth and demonstrated them by a few examples.

1 Perhaps referring to the work on the Longitude.

2 The Royal Academy of Sciences, of which Bignon was an honorary member.

3 [1] "By help of the first invention, algebraic analysis can perform innumerably many and most useful things which the analysis now in use could never perform. 2. In the second invention is presented a new method of treating algebra, whereby the unknown quantity is found not by equations but by a shorter and more natural way by means of geometric and arithmetical proportions. [3] The third invention concerns the finding of the terrestrial longitude; under these words are brought forward the indications of a very easy and, if you pay attention to the signs, true and genuine method of finding the terrestrial longitude by land and sea.

Of the first two of the above new methods, Enestrom, the Swedish Mathematician, says that one can be tolerably certain that they "only contained some simpler ways, applicable in special cases, or were attempts to change equations into proportions, to which, in his printed writings, Swedenborg went back more than once" (Swedenborg som Math., p. 4).

4 That is, in the specimen shown to Bignon and Varignon.

Abb Bignon at once gave me a letter to Warrignon for him to look them through, wherein he also mentions my Brother and recommends me to him [Warrignon] because I am un Parent de Mons. Benzelius, au qui je suis en liason intim5--these are his own words. I was at Warrignon's two hours today, to whom I offererade it. I intend to print it, that so I call the better communicera it to the learned. It amounts only to three arks.6

5 a relative of M. Benzelius, with whom I am on intimate terms.

6 An ark or fascicle meant two leaves folio, four quarto, etc. The MS. handed to Varignon was probably in quarto, and thus consisted of twelve leaves. The Swedish work on Longitude printed in 1718 consisted of two and a half arks (42 pages 16mo.) in small print.

Otherwise there is another man in England of the name of Whilston, who gives out that he has discovered the Longitudinem, the result of which is that I also will hasten to give out my discovery. The same person has written something in Astronomy, but up to now has inventeradt nothing at all.7

7 The reference is to William Whiston (1667-1752) who, in 1708, was Newton's successor as professor of mathematics in Cambridge, but was expelled two years later because of his Arianism. Up to 1712, Whiston had published A New Theory of the Earth, 1696; Praelectiones Astronomicae, 1707; and Praelectiones Physico-Mathematicae, 1710. He spent much time and labor in a vain attempt to discover the longitude, in order to secure the prize of from L10,000-,20,000 offered by the British government in 1714.

At this place I avoid the conversie [company] of Swedes and of all those from whom I have the least discouragement in my studies.

What I hear of the learned, I at once enter into my Diario,8 which would be lengthy to copy out and communicera [to d. Brother]. Yet there is between these mathematicos and the English, great emulation or invidia [envy]. Halley in Oxford tells me that he was the first to have observed penduli variation sub aequatore, but was silent about it; and the astrononti here say that through Cassini it had been put out as inventeradt before Halley made his expedition to insulam St. Helenae; and much else of the same sort.

8 Unfortunately, the young traveler left this Diary at Hamburg, and no trace of it has ever been found. See p. 94.

Mathematical writings seldom come out here, and if they do, then after some months they are altogether unobtainable. All the Mathematici give theirs to Diaria Publica Academiae Scientiarum,9 and bother themselves no further about publishing and owning them. I find at the bookshops in this place a much smaller number of mathematical books than in England and Holland; and very rarely in the libraries, excepting the Bibliotheca Regia.

9 that is, the Memoires de l'Academie Royale des Sciences.

I have placed the order with Brander10 in England to send over to Sweden and to the Library the microscopium which was written for; which will cost probably 3 or 4 pund; it will come into my Brother's hands when opportunity offers.

10 Charles Brander, one of the members of the Swedish Church in London. Marshall's microscope was to be shipped by him to Sweden.

My books and other things which Alstryn took with him to Sweden were likely carried from Gothenburg to Upsala.

When I was in Holland, and most of the time in Utrecht with the peace conferencen, I was in great favor with the Ambassador Palmqvist who had me at his house every day; with whom I sat and discourerade on algebra every day. He is a great mathematicus and a great algebraiste. He wanted necessarily that I proceed on my journey, since I intend, next spring, to return to Leiden where there is a fine Observatory and the most beautiful brass quadrant that I have ever seen. It cost 2,000 guiders when new; and yet there is no observator there. I will ask leave of the Academy to make observations there for 2 or 3 months; this I can easily obtinera--which Palmqvist also said.

In Leyden I learned glass grinding and have now all the instrumenta and basins therefor.

Three months ago I got a letter from Hinrik Benzelius from Dimmertese11 near Adrianople dated 30 April/11 May where for six months he has been with the King.l2 He knows nothing of where further he will direct his course, whether further into orienten, or via the Archipelago to Venice. Mag. Eneman, Professor of Oriental Languages in Upsala, was then on a journey to Jerusalem. He had had a letter from him from Smyrna.

11 Timurtasche.

12 This includes the time passed with the King in Bender, for Charles XII did not arrive in Timurtasche until April 9.

What else I can get from the conversie of the learned, something in Historia Literaria et Mathematicis rebus, I will always communicera to my Brother, as occasion offers.

My Brother will kindly be assured that I bear the greatest love and veneration for my Brother more than for any one in the world. He will be so good as not to take amiss my silence and neglect in writing, which depends on my studies in which I am always intent so that I neglect that which is more necessary.

Vive et vale.

Tuus Fidelissimus ad

mortem usque13

Eman. Swedberg
1713 Paris
9/19 Aug.

13 Even unto death, thy most faithful.

We have some witness to Emanuel's devotion to mathematical studies at this time in a quarto book now in the library of the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences, and which was doubtless presented to the Academy by Emanuel himself after he became a member of that body, in 1734.

The book is entitled Usage de l'Analyse ou la Manire de l'appliquer dcouvrir les properiets des Figures de la Geometrie Simple et compose, a resoudre les Problemes de ces Sciences et les Problemes des Sciences Physico-Mathematiques, en employant le Calcul Ordinaire de l'algebre, le Calcul Differentiel et le Calcul Integral ... par un prtre de l'Oratoire14 [Ch. Ren Reyneau], Tom. II, Paris 1708.

On the title-page in Swedberg's hand are the words: "Emanuel Swedberg, Parisiis 1713. I Sep. 15 Libres." Emanuel's study of this book is indicated by several marginal notes, and by an index to its contents which he wrote on the flyleaf.

14 The Use of Analysis or the Method of Proceeding for Discovering the Properties of Simple and Compound Geometrical Figures, for Solving the Problems of these Sciences and the Problems of the Physico-Mathematical Sciences, at the same time employing the Ordinary Calculation of Algebra, Differential Calculus, and Integral Calculus ... by a Priest of the Oratory.

This first visit to Paris lasted a little over a year, and toward the end of his stay, Emanuel took relaxation from his studies and his dealings with the learned, by wandering around the city in the company of some of his young friends, and seeing the sights, including also the park in Versailles, whose beauties inspired him to write those Ovidian Fables which later he published under the title Camena Borea (The Northern Muse).

While in the midst of this sightseeing, he received a letter from his brother-in-law, asking him to purchase certain books for the Library, and also to call upon two of his old friends, Father le Quien and Father le Long. As he was soon to leave Paris, he had no time to do more than ascertain that some of the books required by Benzelius were obtainable at certain bookshops, but had to leave the actual purchase and the shipping to his friend Gedda. He did have time, however, to call on the two worthy Fathers, and this he did in company with some of his young friends.

Father le Quien (1661-1733) lived on the rue St. Honor where he was librarian of the Convent of St. Germain. The learned scholar was transported with delight at receiving a relative of his old friend Benzelius, and hardly knew what he could do to be of service to Emanuel and his friends. He showed them around his library, pointing out its treasures. And undoubtedly, among the books which he displayed, was his own scholarly edition of the Opera Omnia of John Damascenus, just published (1712) and which is still the fundamental edition of this Christian Father.

Equally enthusiastic was the welcome given to Emanuel by the learned Dominican, Father le Long, who also lived on the St. Honor where he was the librarian of the Oratory. The visitors perhaps interrupted their host in the work which he then had in hand, the Bibliothque Historique, later published in a folio volume (Paris, 1719), which lists all known books and manuscripts on the history of France.

Emanuel left Paris in May or June 1714, having been in that city for over a year.

That he returned to Holland is indicated by the fact that his course to Hamburg was taken via Lille. (Resebcskr., p. 3). Moreover, in a letter which he wrote to his father from Paris, he informed Bishop Swedberg that he might be addressed care of Baron Palmqvist at The Hague. The Bishop was evidently somewhat anxious as to his son's future career, and appears to have written him suggesting that he prepare himself for an academic career, perhaps professor of mathematics; for in the letter above alluded to, Emanuel promised his father that he would prepare some specimen academicum, that is, a Disputation looking to a professorship.

In The Hague he again visited Baron Palmqvist, and renewed his conversation as to the necessity of forming some learned society in Sweden for the advancement of scientific knowledge. This was the more to the point at this time, since Baron Palmqvist was expecting to leave for Sweden in order to take up the office of Court Chancellor to which he had been recently appointed; and in Stockholm he might speak of the plan and so prepare the way for its ultimation.

During this visit, Emanuel had a letter from his father, enclosed in a letter to Baron Palmqvist, dated July 23, which was forwarded from Amsterdam and reached The Hague on August 22. Incidentally, the Bishop asked Palmqvist to urge Emanuel to return home, as he had already been away for four years.

It must have been about this date, if not earlier, that Emanuel left Holland for Hamburg. Whether, in the meantime, he had again visited Leiden and made his proposed astronomical observations with the new quadrant, is not known.

En route for Hamburg, he directed his course through Hanover in the hope of meeting the great philosopher Leibnitz (1646-1716) who lived in that city.15 Unfortunately, however, Leibnitz was not to return from a protracted stay in Vienna until a week or two after Emanuel's arrival in Hanover, so he must perforce give up seeing him and push his way on to Hamburg en route to Swedish Pomerania and thence home.

15 See p. 62. Leibnitz had met Benzelius in 1696, and greatly admired him for his zeal in the field of learning. It is not improbable therefore that Emanuel had a letter of introduction to the German philosopher.

The independent Hanseatic city of Hamburg was an important commercial center which, while itself safely at peace, was the focus for all European war news.

Here Emanuel heard of the warlike conditions in Swedish Pomerania, threatened as it was by Denmark and Brandenburg; and in view of this he decided to leave some of his luggage in the hands of the Swedish Commercial Agent at Hamburg. This luggage seems never to have been recovered, and in it, unfortunately, was included the Diary which he had been keeping during his travels. How informative this Diary would have been, may be inferred from the Diaries that have been preserved.

From Hamburg Emanuel went to Rostock, where he arrived some time at the end of August 1714. Settling down in this quiet Hanseatic seaport, he occupied himself with reducing to some order his many novel ideas and inventions, and in revising or preparing for print a series of fables (Camena Borea) written in a poetic style and presenting under the acts of gods and goddesses, the doings of the European Powers. The scene of Fables is laid in Versailles, and the fables themselves were conceived there, and their commencement written soon afterwards in Paris.

It was while in Rostock that the young Swede heard of the outcome of the frightful war carried on by the Russians against Finland which was then a part of Sweden. By July 1714, the Russians had overrun the whole land, and the soldiers of the Swedish army who had escaped imprisonment or death were recalled to Sweden. Crowded with these soldiers, and with a multitude of penniless refugees from Finland, Stockholm was in a desperate plight. Moreover, early in the spring of 1714, a Russian warship appeared off the coast of Uppland (Fryxell, 26, p. 46). This caused great alarm in Upsala which lay some 20 miles inland; and in March Eric Benzelius procured 5 packing cases for the removal of the Library's books to some safe place (Malmstrm, I: 28n; Annerstedt, 2:425) and in summer he was busy packing them (Forssell, 80).

While in Rostock Emanuel resumed his long interrupted correspondence with Eric Benzelius, by writing him the following letter, dated Rostock SEPTEMBER 8, 1714.

Highly honored d: Brother,

It is for some time that I have not had the good fortune to write to my Brother.

I imagine this has not caused any impatience since it has come about partly through neglect, and partly because I did not have occasioner, which has also prevented me from giving my d: parents news of me. But now that I am nearer home, I shall offset all this by greater industry, if thereby I can give pleasure to my Brother. I received my Brother's last letter in Paris when I was about to leave that place; still I inquired after the books given me in commission, of which I found one or two. I gave Secretary Gedda the charge of getting them from the bookseller, where they lie until further ordres. I would myself have taken charge of them if I could have had opportunity of sending them to Rhoan1 and from there to Sweden. Still, if d. Brother had anything to correspnodera about in Paris, in litteraiis [concerning literary matters], Secret. Gedda offererar his services, who is well known to some of the learned, and is well verscrad in studies and literary historia.2

1 i.e., Rouen. The ordinary cargo route from Paris to Sweden was by ship from Rouen.

2 Gedda was a bibliophile and himself owned an extensive library.

At the end, when I was in Paris, I made a universal visitation over the whole of Paris, in company with some others, in order to see all that could be seen there. I also took my companions to my Brother's friends, whose names my Brother was kind enough to give me, and who showed us every civilitet for d: Brother's sake. Brother has left with them an incredible estim and affection. Pere Quien, when he heard Brother's name, knew not what books he should show us in his library, and what service he should offerera us which might be made known to Brother. So also with Pere Le Long who has in hand an Historiam Litterariam Historicorum [Literary History of Historians]. It would be a heartfelt delight to them, and, moreover, desirable, if at some time Brother had an opportunity of himself being with them.

I am right glad that I have come to a place where I have peace, and time to assemble together all my works and meditata which previously have been without order and scattered here and there on some slips. Hitherto, all that I lacked was a place and the time to enable me to colligera them; this also I have begun and will very soon complete it. I promised d: Father to give out a specimen Academicum, for which I will choose some inventioner which I have in Mechanicis.*

Otherwise I have in hand and ready written out the following inventiones mechanicas, namely:3

* Bishop Swedborg had in view that Emanuel should in this way pave the way for a professorship.

3 In the autograph, the list that now follows is written in Latin; as also are the two paragraphs that follow it.

1. The construction of a ship which, with its one man crew, could go under the sea in ally desired direction, and could inflict much injury on enemy ships.

2. A novel construction of a siphon, whereby water call be driven from a river to higher places, in great abundance and in a short time.

3. On the lifting of weights by means of water and this portable siphon, more easily than by mechanical forces.

4. On constructions (sluices) even in places where there is no flow of water, whereby a whole ship with its cargo can be raised to a given height in one or two hours.

5. A machine vivified by means of fire for throwing out water; and the way of constructing such machines at smelting works (vulgarly called Hyttor) where there is no fall of water, but the water is still. The fire and the forge should be able to supply enough water for the wheels.

6. A drawbridge which can be closed and opened from within the gates and walls.3a

3a At this period, most European cities were surrounded by a moat and walls.

7. New machines for condensing and exhausting air by means of water; and concerning a new air pump worked by water and mercury without any siphon, which works better and easier than the ordinary pump.

I have also other new plans for pumps.

8. A new construction of air guns, a thousand of which can be exploded simultaneously by means of a single siphon.

9. A universal musical instrument whereby the most inexperienced player can produce all kinds of melodies, these being found marked on paper and in notes.

10. A Universal Sciagraphia4 or a mechanical method of delineating hours of every kind and on any surface, by means of fire.

4 Sciagraphy the art of projecting shadows, includes the art of making sundials.

11. A water clock with water as the indicator which, by its flow, shows all the movable bodies in the heavens, and produces other ingenious effects.

12. Item. A mechanical carriage which shall contain all kinds of works moved by the going of the horses.

Item. A flying carriage, or the possibility of staying in the air and of being carried through it.

13. A method of conjecturing the wills and affections of men's minds by means of analysis.

14. Item. Concerning new constructions of cords5 or springs, and concerning their properties.6

5 Namely, cords on the stretch.

6 A fuller account of these inventions, illustrated with diagrams, may be seen in Swedenborg's Mechanical Inventions (S. S. A. 1939).

These are my mechanical inventions which have hitherto been lying scattered on sheets of paper but which now are well nigh reduced into order so that they may be made public when opportunity offers. Moreover, in all cases we have added the algebraic and numerical calculation from which we deduced the proportions, the motions and times, and all the properties which should be in them. In addition, we have things in Analytics and in Astronomy which demand their own separate place and time. Oh, how I wish that I could lay the whole before your eyes, dearest Brother, and the eyes of Herr Professor Elfvius; but since I cannot do this with the machines themselves, I will yet, in a short time, do it with some drawings of them on which I am working every day.

Now also I have time to bring my poetic productions into orderly arrangement. They consist merely of some fables, like those of Ovid, under cover of which are concealed all that has been going on in Europe during the past fourteen or fifteen years, that so we might be able freely to jest with serious matters, and to sport with the heroes and the men of our own country. But meanwhile, I feel some shame when it comes to me that I have talked so much about what I have planned, and as yet have shown nothing; the journey and its hindrances are the reason.7

7 In the autograph, the rest of the letter is in Swedish.

I have now a very great desire to go home to Sweden, and take all Polhammar's inventions in hand, making drawings of them and giving descriptions;8 also conferera them with physics, mechanics, hydrostatics, and hydraulics, and likewise with algebraic calculations; and to give them out in Sweden rather than in other places, and set up for ourselves a beginning of the Society in Mathesis, for which one has so fine a fundament in Phlhammar's inventioner.

I wish that mine also could serve thereto.

8 Soon after his arrival in Stockholm, the young enthusiast took this very work in hand, and devoted himself to an examination of Polhem's machines. Later he published in the Daedalus Hyperboreus some results of his examination, together with a description of some of his own inventions.

For the rest, as concerns my invention de longitudine, this lies also in small slips. I gave one or two persons in Paris, who wished to have it and how it actually worked, merely a knowledge of some indicia and signa of what it could praestera [do]. But since I had no observations with which I could confirm it, I thought to let it be until I have worked it all out and confirmed it with observations, if I would not lose all my care and the praemium [reward] I may expect from it. Timebam ut caecos parerem catulos si ante diem tempusque illos proderem.9

9 I feared lest I give birth to blind puppies, if I put them forth before their day and time.

Meanwhile, I should like to know what the Upsala Pallas thinks of the Leader of the Russians, who is only twenty miles from that city. Will she take her arms and her shield, and prepare to meet him, and lead her Muses with her; will she have a branch of an olive which she prefers to offer. But at a distance I see how she is instructing her Camena in arms, and teaching the exercises of Mars rather than her own. I would that I might carry the eagles before her, or perform some other little service for her.10

10 In the autograph, the above paragraph was written in Latin.

P.S. A thousandfold greetings are sent to Sister Anna; I hope she is not alarmed at the approach of the Russians. Little brother Eric I have a great longing to see once more. He can now perhaps make a triangle or draw for me, if I get him a little ruler.11 Vale et iterum vale.

11 Eric, Swedenborg's oldest nephew, was then nine years old, having been born in April 1705.

Sic optat

Tui amantissimus12

12 Such is the wish of him who so greatly loves thee. 

Eman. Swedberg
Rostock 1714
8 Sept.

Somewhat later than September 8, Emanuel journeyed from Restock to Griefswalde. Here he received a letter from his brother-in-law, announcing the marriage of his late teacher in the University, and his father's intimate friend, Johann Uppmark to Eva Schwede, the daughter of Emanuel's aunt, Brita Behm Schwede; and that Uppmark himself had been appointed Censor of books. Benzelius also wrote of the sudden death, on October fifth, of Professor Eneman (of whom Emanuel had written in a letter from Paris), and that, on November twenty-ninth, he had delivered a funeral oration over his memory.

In Greifswalde, Emanuel met two Swedes, Olof Estenberg (1680-1752) and Bernhard Cederholm (1678-1750) who had come from Turkey where they had been Chancery assessors with the King during his semi-captivity there. From them he learned much about the circumstances of Charles XII's abode in Bender and later in Timurtasche and Demotika; how that, to the great pleasure of the Sultan and in consequence of the latter's thinly veiled insistence, the King had decided to leave Turkey, and, abandoning his futile hope of securing the Sultan as an ally against the victorious Russians, to fight his many enemies nearer home; and how that he had elected to cross Europe from Turkey to Swedish Pomerania, on horseback, incognito, and with only two companions.

Charles XII arrived in Stralsund on the night of November 10-11 (Nov. 20-21 New Style), 1714, after a forced journey of twenty days. Emanuel, of course, had heard of the King's return before he met Messrs. Estenberg and Cederholm, but he had not known the particulars of his departure from Turkey. And now, with the news received from these friends who had been so recently with the King himself, his imagination was fired, and, filled with enthusiasm for his great hero, he wrote a "Festivus Applausus on the Arrival of Charles XII, the Phoenix of the Ancient Gothic Race and the Monarch of our North, into his own Pomerania, on November 22, 1714." The work is highly laudatory, describing Charles' yearning to return to his fatherland, his sufferings and hardships on the way, and the overwhelming joy of the people at his return.13

13 Prior to 1905, when Mr. Alfred H. Stroh discovered two copies in the University Library of Greifswalde, the existence of this work was unknown--though it is plainly referred to in Emanuel's letter of August 9, 1715 See a brief review of the work in the New Philosophy for 1920, p. 46.

It was while in the midst of this composition that Emanuel again took up his pen to write to his brother-in-law, Eric Benzelius. His letter is dated GREIFSWALDE, APRIL 4, 1715:

Highly honored d: Brother:

By the last post I sent enclosed in my d: Father's letter a drawing of an Antlea Pneumatica per aquam conficienda [an air pump to be worked by water]. I hope it will come into my d: Brother's hands. I would also have accompanied with a letter, had the time not been too short for me.

In the last letter to d: Father, I promised to send, on every occasion acid in all his letters, one or two Machine, being the result of my speculationer, to forward them to my Brother. If I could thereby divertera my Brother and Prof. Elfvius, I would continuera this at a future time. There now comes a machine of the same kind, namely, an Antlea Pneumatica which gives the same result as the former, but greatly differerar in construction, and is easier to procure, and perhaps quicker to operera [work] with.

For the rest, it is my dessein [design]--my wish is that my Brother will be pleased to approbere of it--to send my machiner for the examen Upsaliensium [the examination of the members of the Upsala Collegium], and when I have done this, to do the same with those that exist at Plhammar's, in order in this way to make them ready to give to the public when opportunity occurs. This, perhaps, might be a little fundament [foundation] for a Societ in Physicis and Mechanicis among us, as in other places. When the use which they bring, becomes known to the mining works and Manufacturier which will likely be established in Sweden, one can hope that in time one will find encouragement by one or other of the colleges1 in Stockholm, especially if Court Chancellor Palmqvist comes home from The Hague, he being a great Mathematicus, with whom I have already confereradt on the subject.

To this end, d: Brother will doubtless also do his part, he being almost the only one at the Academy who is minded to encouragera these and like studies. Yet, a society of this kind ought to be commenced in a small way, and little by little, and to increase with the years.

1 The governmental work of Sweden was carried on by different Royal Colleges, having a nobleman as president, assisted by two or three councillors and several assessors. There were also ordinary members (ordinarii), besides various officials. Among these Colleges was the College of Mines, the College of Manufactures, etc. It is these Colleges that are referred to in the text.

My Brother will please save [the drawings of] these Machiner, seeing that I might easily lose copierna [the copies].

For the rest, I diverterar [divert] these Mathematiska Studier with Poeterij. I have also published one or two pieces,1a and have now in press some fabellas Ovidianis Similes, sub queis Regum Quorundam et Magnatum facta et alia latent [fables like Ovid's, in which are concealed the deeds of certain kings and magnates, and other events].

1a Namely the poems contained in Ludus Heliconius, which was published in Greifswalde early in 1715.

As regards Historiam Literariam, there is nothing of great worth in Grypswald; venia sit dictis [pardon, for the words], it is a very scurvy Academy. Papke is Professor of Matheseos, being fit for any other study rather than that. I wish I had met Leibnitz who is now in Vienne. Wolfii Cursus Mathematicus translatus in lat: Serm: [Wolff's Cursus Matheseos translated into the Latin tongue] is reported to be in Sweden--a very useful book, and clearly written.

For the rest, I wish to know what my Brother has now in hand.

It is dearly pleasing to me to hear that Prof. Upmark and Sister Eva Svede have come together in thalamo et lecto. I wish them the best of fortunes; intended to write a carmen nuptiale [nuptial ode] for them, but, since this is now too late, it will probably be a Geniale.2

2i.e., a carmen geniale, being an ode in celebration of a birth.

I greet Sister Anna a thousand times, and if my Brother will be pleased to write, I await a little relation of how it is with little Brother Eric.

Prof. Elfvius will presumably exercise the greatest diligence in connection with the great ecclipsin on the third of May. Meanwhile, I remain d: Brother's

Most humble servant and Brother

Eman: Swedberg

Grypswald; 1715: 4, April

P.S. It is related by Messrs. Estenberg and Cederholm, who are Ordinarii in the Chancery, that Brother Hinric Benzelius2a was remaining in Constantinople at the time of their departure; whether he is with the suite I know not. They happily arrived here.3

2a A younger brother of Eric Benzelius. He was born in 1689 and died in 1758.

3 The fraying of the paper has here destroyed some words, and the remaining few that are left, are, therefore, unintelligible.

Soon after the date of this letter, the Camena Borea, being the fables concealing the deeds of kings and magnates, appeared in prior, and a little later the Festivus Applausus, the latter being dedicated to General Ducker, the Governor of Stralsund where Charles XII was now preparing to fight the growing number of his enemies.

The situation of a Swede in Clreifswalde could not have been pleasant at this time. Denmark, Hannover, and Prussia were concentrating all their forces against Stralsund, some twenty-five miles north, and that city was closely besieged. But, before this siege commenced, Emanuel had the good fortune to secure a place in a yacht sailing for his native land, where he arrived some time in May or June. When the siege was about to commence (he wrote many years later4) "by God's Providence I was able to journey home on a yacht with Fru [Mrs.] Feif."

4 Resebeskrifning, p. 4. The siege of Stralsund by Prussia, Denmark and Hanover commenced in July when Emanuel was already in Sweden; but the preceding declaration of war was made in May.

He had been absent from Sweden for over five years, and when in July he once again met his father at Brunsbo, the episcopal residence of the Bishop of Skara, he had much to tell him and to discuss with him.

He had completed and, indeed, far exceeded the customary tour, and it now behooved him to seek a profession. What his mind inclined to, was a position at the Upsala Academy as professor of mathematics or astronomy, for it was these subjects together with mechanics, that principally occupied his attention. With this in mind, he hoped to prepare his inventions for public presentation When, therefore, he arrived at Brunsbo, he made a diligent search for the plans he had sent his father from time to time. The search, however, was in vain, the worthy Bishop Swedberg seeming at a loss to know what he had done with them.

Being in a northern latitude, Emanuel hoped also to complete his method of finding the longitude at sea.

We can, in fancy, see the returned traveler telling his father and stepmother of the magnificent prize offered by the English government to the inventor who should solve the problem of finding the longitude at sea; and of how that he himself had most certainly solved the problem--save for one thing. He was sure of his theory, but the carrying it out into practice required exact lunar tables, and these were not available. Flamsteed had promised them, but Flamsteed was an old man and sickly. Emanuel, therefore, resolved to set up an observatory for himself, there being no public observatory in the whole of Sweden, and but one private and very inadequate one, in Upsala, set up by the professor of astronomy. With this in mind, he determined to journey to Kinnekulle, a small hill some fifteen miles north of Skara, there to select a site for his proposed observatory.

In October, 1714, and again in November, while Emanuel was still in Rostock and Greifswalde, his father had already written to Charles XII, recommending his son for some position in the King's service. And now, on July 12, 1715, when that son is actually at home, he writes to Governor Kasten Feif, the State Secretary and a great favorite of Charles XII, who, at the time was with the King in Stralsund, announcing the return of his son who "is ready in the orientalibus linguis [oriental tongues] and in the Europaeis," and is "especially at home in Posi and Mathesi." The Bishop then continues: "He is minded to build himself an observatorium high up on Kinnekulle near Scara, thinking himself to be able to find the latitudinem [sic] on the ocean, a discovery on which many potentater have provided great sums of money for him who should find it. If there should be any opening at some academie here in Sweden, the well-born Herr Governor will perhaps be pleased to advance him thereto."5

5 3 Doc. 1330.

It was with the same object in mind that Emanuel himself wrote to his brother-in-law from BRUNSBO ON AUGUST 9TH:

Highly honored d: Brother:

As I suppose d: brother has now arrived home from the Springs1 to Upsala, I hope also that this letter finds my d: Brother in good condition and renewed health, at which I, more than any other, would be pleased.

1 Namely, Acidula Khilensis, a spring a little west of Upsala, to which Benzelius went in the summer for the sake of his health.

I afterwards received a nice little Latin letter from Brother Ericus,2 which pleases and gladdens me. I am answering it with some Latin verses written ex tempore. I wish him the best of good fortune and progress both in his studies and in all else that will be pleasant for his parents and himself.

2 Eric Junior was then ten years old.

I have made a right good search for the Machiner I sent my d: father some time ago, to the number of 8. I have not yet been able to get trace of where he laid them. He thinks they have been sent to d: Brother; from my heart I wish it were so, since it cost me work enough to set them clown, and since I have no time during the winter to replace them. They were [1] 3 plans and maneer [methods] for a water pump whereby a great deal of water could, in a short time, be pumped out from any lake one pleases. 2. A machine to lift up weights by means of water, as easily and quickly as any other that does it by mechanical powers. 3. Some sort of sloops3 (slupar) which could be built where there was no fall of water, and yet could raise heats over hills, sandbanks, etc. 4. A machine whereby to shoot with air 10 or 1100o shots per hour. These I have carefully described and have made the calculations algebraically. I further intended to communicera some kinds of vessels or boats whereby one could go under water whithersoever he would, and also a machine whereby one can build a blast furnace at the side of whatever still water one pleased, and the [water] wheel will yet be carried around by means of the fire which will drive the water; and some kinds of air guns which are loaded in a moment and shoot 60 and 70 shots in succession without reloading. These, perhaps, I can set down by winter, and can give a description of them. I was desirous of securing the opportunity to get one or two of them into operation, and this is my intention.

3 ?sluices. See no. 6 in the list of inventions given in the letter of Sept. 8, 1714; there the world used is slutzar.

The day after tomorrow, I am going to Kinnekulla to seek out for myself a place for a little observatory where I intend toward winter to make some observations belonging to our horizon, and to lay the foundation for the observations whereby my invention anent the longitude of places could confirmeras [be confirmed]. Perhaps I should first have gone in haste to Upsala to learn some things Pertaining thereto.4

4 This probably refers to Swedberg's desire to examine the astronomical instruments which were kept in the gallery of the Upsala Library, carefully covered with green cloth. They included sextants, quadrants, telescopes, barometers, etc. (Forssell, Eric Benzelius d. y., p. 71).

N.B. D: Brother, let me know whether or not Prof Upmark has received his warrant.5 Were there aught in which I could again be a delight to d: Brother I would wish that I were called upon. My Brother will be so kind as to place me before some of the Professores for something which might become open; the rest I will then see to myself. On the next opportunity, I will send off what I committed to print, before I journeyed home, this being an oration on the King's homecoming;6 and also some fabellae ovidianis similes [Fables like Ovid's] which I call Camena Borea; I dedicated it to Chronhielm.7 Furthermore, I await with impatience d: Brother's oration,8 about which a few words were written me in his last letter. Greet Sister Anna a thousand times. What further reusserar [success I have] in my desseiner I will first communicera to d: Brother--I beg to have this freedom. Meanwhile I live in the hope of being

Highly learned Herr Brother's

humblest brother and servant

Eman: Swedberg
Brunsbo: 1715, Aug. 9.

5 i.e., his warrant to fill the office of censor of books. Upmark did not enter into this office until October 1716.

6 The Festivus Applausus in Caroli XII in Pomeraniam suam adventum.

7 Count Gustaf Cronhielm (1664-1737) who was then the Chancellor of Lund University.

8 Namely, the funeral oration over Prof. Eneman, delivered by Benzelius on November 29, 1714 (Mem. Rediva, IV, p. 209).

Emanuel duly made his visit to Kitmekulle, though his proposed observatory there never came into being, as his attention was soon turned to other matters, especially mechanics. Still, he was greatly impressed by the advantages of Kinnekulle as the site for an observatory; for, four years later he described it9 as a height on which "nature has provided the most incomparable observatory in the world, were there only a Cassini, a Brahe, or an Helvetius to give it their name and fame."

9 In Height of Water, chap. I.

After Kinnekulle, Emanuel returned to Brunsbo where he seems to have occupied himself with the construction of a model of a hoisting machine which he had invented (see Daedalus Hyperboreus p. 17).

After this he made the promised visit to Upsala, the city of his early studies; this he had not seen since leaving the University more than six years before. Here he met the professors who still kept alive the Collegium Curiosorum, and doubtless he discussed with them the progress of science in England and France. He, of course, discussed his plan to build a private observatory, and it may be, that the plan was discouraged by his brother-in-law, who had in mind the erection in Upsala of a more pretentious observatory, either by the University or by the Collegium Curiosorum--a matter which he discusses in later letters.

But the main topic of discussion during Emanuel's visit in Upsala, or, at any rate, the one that most greatly influenced the young scientist's immediate future, was the carrying out of his proposal to take Polhem's inventions in hand (and also some of his own), and, after furnishing them with the proper text, publish them for the advancement of learning and manufacture in Sweden. In Upsala he had a rich store of material in the shape of many papers by Polhem that had been sent to the Collegium Curiosorum. His project was the more heartily supported by Benzelius, inasmuch as the latter, at Polhem's suggestion, had himself contemplated publishing Polhem's theories and inventions.10 Polhem's proposal, made in December, 1710, was that the Collegium Curiosorum should publish its Transactions in Swedish as an eight-page Appendix to the Stockholm weekly newspaper Post Tidender, thereby giving small doses of learning to the people. This would give fame to the Collegium, though it was not likely to pay its cost, "for one cannot expect profit from such an undertaking in our land."11 The suggestion was never carried out, owing doubtless to the hardness of the times, and it is therefore easy to imagine how welcome to Benzelius were the ambitious plans of his young brother-in-law.

10 Forssel, Eric Benzelius d. y., p. 180.

11 Bring, Polhem, p. 73.

It was during this visit to Upsala that Emanuel's ideas took definite shape in the division to publish the Daedalus Hyperboreus; and it was here that he prepared some of the articles for the first number of this, the first scientific journal to be published in Sweden; and here, that, on October twenty-third, he wrote the Address to the Reader that was to introduce it.

Emanuel decided to publish his Daedalus in Swedish instead of Latin, then the language of all books of science.

In this he followed the pattern set by the Royal Philosophical Society of England and the Academy of Sciences of France. But what inspired him to this course was his desire to reach the people who were engaged in mechanical and other works in Sweden; nay, he deemed this necessary, if the spirit of research was to be imparted to the Swedish people.

Emanuel left Upsala for Stockholm, some sixty miles southeast, on November 19th, but did not arrive there until the morning of the twenty-first. He might have arrived earlier, but he delayed on the road, partly because he did not wish to enter into a strange city in the dark, and partly because, wearing a bright blue coat as he did, he was in doubt as to obtaining lodgings in a city where the mortal illness of the beloved Queen Dowager, the King's grandmother, made all appearance of gay attire unseemly.

As soon as he had settled in the city, he sought out his old fellow student Crustaf, a younger brother of Eric Benzelius, who was then employed in the State Archives.12

12 Gustaf Benzelius (1687-1746) ennobled Benzelstierna. In 1732 he became Rosenadler's successor as Censor of books. He is made known to posterity mainly by Liden's publication of the literary correspondence between him and his brother Eric.

He found Stockholm filled with the wildest rumors concerning the hero King who was so marvelously defending Stralsund against the combined forces of Prussia, Denmark, and Hannover. On November fourth the enemy had made a surprise landing on the island of Rugen with the intention of attacking Stralsund from the sea. Charles was on the island at the time, and, on November fifth he gave battle. The results were disastrous. The Swedes were badly defeated, and Charles himself was wounded and thrown from his horse. He was saved from being trampled to death, because luckily a Swedish corporal discovered him and brought him safely to Stralsund.13 The news of the defeat and of the wounding of the king had been brought to Stockholm, but not the news of the rescue, and naturally the city was afire with rumors, many believing that with the defeat at Rgen, Stralsund must already have fallen.

13 Fryxell, 36, p. 61.

It was after listening to countless wild and contradictory rumors that Emanuel, in the afternoon of the day of his arrival in the Swedish capital on NOVEMBER 21, wrote to Eric Benzelius.

Highly honored d: Brother:

These lines are sent to the post according to my promise, in greatest haste, thanking d: Brother first and foremost for the great goodness shown me in Upsala. It would be my greatest desire to find opportunity to repay it in some way. It was only today that I arrived here; could, indeed, have got here yesterday had it not been for the darkness, and for the uncertainty of finding quarteer [quarters] for a person in blue clothes.

The Queen Dowager is still living;1 she has improved today. I intend to get the ring through Mag. Rhyzell2 tomorrow. As to the books, I will inform myself concerning them tomorrow, and will give information concerning them by the next post.

1 Hedwig Eleonora died three days later, on November 24th, with a prayer on her lips that her grandson would forsake his war plans and seek for peace.

2 Anders Olefsson Rhyzelius (1677-1761), who was then Court Preacher in Stockholm, and who, in 1743, succeeded Eric Benzelius as Bishop of Linköping. He was an intimate friend of Eric Benzelius, and as an Upsala student had lodged for a year in his house, where Emanuel also lived (J. Helander, Rhyzelii, Anteckningar pp. 38-40). His friendship for Emanuel is borne witness to by those laudatory Greek lines which were printed in the latter's Disputation Selectae Sententiae.

The news is the best and the worst we have had. Here and there credit is given only to bellringer's stories and Jutland lies.3 Most people have no certain knowledge of the King's person. Some would have him shut up in Stralsund, and give him no outlet for escape. Some vanement [vainly] delight themselves at his homecoming, and expect him here this evening;4 indeed, carriages are ready at the Court to go to meet him. Yet it is generally thought that he has got away; that after his horse was shot under him, he ran 2000 paces on foot, before he got himself another charger. This also would contribute to his gloire, as the Hollander says the Swede would be the best soldier in the world if he knew how to run away.

3 Jutlgner. I suppose this is a colloquial phrase, expressive of the current Swedish estimation of the Danes as utterly untrustworthy.

4 Charles XII left Stockholm in 1700 to fight the Danes, and never again saw his capital. After his victory in 1700, he at once entered upon that war against Russia which ended so disastrously at Pultava and which was followed by his semi-captivity in Turkey. After his escape from Stralsund in December 1715, he made first Ystad and then Lund his capital, seeming desirous of avoiding Stockholm where discontent with his policies was widespread among the nobles.

Brother Gustaf sends greetings and begs excuse for not writing. Almost 100-thousand greetings and thanks to Sister Anna.

I remain,

Highly hon'd d: Brother's

Most faithful brother even to my death,

Eman: Swedberg.
1715, Stockholm
21 Nov.

The death of the Queen Dowager, on November twenty-fourth, inspired Emanuel once more to turn to poetry, and, in the expectation that the royal funeral would be conducted with pomp and ceremony, he wrote a funeral ode, which ranks among the best of his poems. The following translation of two of its eight verses gives some idea of its style:

Break thou the harp, O Sappho:

O Muse, snap asunder the strings so gladsome erstwhile.

Comes now unto thee the sad hour, when words must be sung

Alone without chords.

*****

Army of Swea's Norsemen!

In grief form the rear of the pomp, your arms turned to earth:

Ye also will look to the ground, and will smite in your woe

Your sombre clad breasts.

The royal funeral, however, did not take place, as Charles XII forbade all pomp in view of the poverty of the country; and the Queen Dowager was buried in private on January seventh, 1716, with but a handful of attendants.

The writing of this poem was but a little diversion for the aspiring student of mechanics and machinery. His main occupation was the preparation of the first number of that journal of mechanics and invention which he had planned with Benzelius during his visit in Upsala, and which was designed to serve as a foundation for a future learned society.5 With this in view, he made a diligent examination of the models of Polhem's inventions, which were stored in the College of Mines, then domiciled in a building on the Mynt Torget.

5 As a matter of fact, it actually did so serve. For in the reprint of the Daedalus Hyperboreus in 1910, the Royal Scientic Society of Upsala--the direct successor of the Collegium Curiosorum-- officially stamped that publication as the first of the published transactions of the Society. See Daed. Hyper., facsimile 1, 50.

This collection was the remains of a mechanical laboratory proposed by Polhem in 1697, for the promotion and examination of inventions, to consist of himself as head, and one smith and one joiner, each with his apprentice. The project was at once approved by King Charles XI who made a grant of money for the purpose, and gave the Laboratory the use of a room in the College of Mines' building. Polhem, however, neglected the work, being busy at Fahlun most of the time.

Finally, in 1702, he received permission to make his models in Fahlun, from whence they were to be sent to Stockholm-though only a few were actually sent. In 1709, owing to the great cost of wars under Charles XII, the money grant was withdrawn, the already moribund Mechanical Laboratory came to an end, and the models of its inventions remained neglected in its disused workshop.6 It was here that Swedberg found them, and one can easily imagine his chagrin as he gazed at the broken-down remains of Polhem's inventions.

6 Christopher Polhem af Holger Rosman, pp. 42-3.

Meanwhile he was busy preparing the articles and illustrations for the first number of his Daedalus. And in this connection he was fortunate in meeting two old friends now stationed at the great copper mine at Fahlun, with whom he discussed his project of advancing science and manufacture in Sweden, by promoting a knowledge of mechanics, and giving incentive to the spirit of invention. These men were John Moraeus (1672-1742), his cousin and childhood tutor who was now the city physician of Fahlun, and Anders Swab, the mining master of the Fahlun copper mines, who had charge of all the mining machinery.7

7 The relationship between Anders Swab (1681-1731) and Emanuel Swedberg is somewhat complicated. Anders' mother was the sister of Jesper Swedberg's second wife. Thus Anders was Swedberg's cousin by marriage. Anders' father married a second time, and after his death, his second wife became (in 1720) the third wife of Jesper Swedberg; thus Anders Swab became also Emanuel's stepbrother. In 1717 Anders married the widow of Emanuel's brother Eliezer, and so became Emanuel's brother-in-law. See pp. 408-9, note 2.

From Swab, he learned much about the inventions by Polhem which were in use at the Fahlun mines, and both Moraeus and Swab assured him that he could obtain for his Daedalus accurate and beautiful drawings of these machines from his old fellow student in Upsala, John Tobias Geisler* (1683-1729), the Inspector of Mines in Fahlun who had some distinction as an artist, as well as in his knowledge of mining machinery.

* Geisler finished his studies in 1706, Swedenborg in 1709.

Emanuel was also interested in hearing from Swab concerning an invention* by a Mr. Lundstrm8 which had been introduced at Avesta, a small town in Dalecarlia some thirty miles southeast of Fahlun, whose principal industry was the smelting of the Fahlun copper. There also were made the copper coins of the government. It would appear that Lundstrm's invention had to do with the stamping of coins. He had been granted special privileges by the government. See p. 135.

* This invention was a minting machine; see p. 135.

8 Probably Magnus Lundstrm (1687-1720). From 1710-16, he was inspector and building master in Stockholm, and in April 1716 was appointed by the Bergscollegium as Konstmstare (i.e., in charge of all machinery) at Fahlun. He had to leave, however, in about a year, because Polhem had secured the appointment of another person (Almqvist, Bergskol. p. 238).

Meanwhile, the cost of living in Stockholm, with the prospect of further heavy costs in the printing of the Daedalus, was becoming a matter of concern to the enterprising Emanuel, who was still without lucrative employment, and was largely, if not wholly, dependent on his father. Moreover, he was having difficulty in securing the hearty cooperation of Werner the printer, who saw little likelihood of profit for himself in the printing of the Daedalus.

On December 15th he heard from his brother-in-law Benzelius, cautioning him in regard to Werner who was the Royal printer at Stockholm where he resided, and also the University printer at Upsala; for it was Emanuel's intention to publish his Daedalus simultaneously in both cities. Benzelius also commented on the proposed dedication of the Daedalus. It would seem that Emanuel had in mind to dedicate it to some prominent nobleman, hoping thereby to enlist his support for the ends he had in view. Benzelius's objection was perhaps based on the hope that permission might be obtained to dedicate the Daedalus, or at any rate, the collected issues for the year, to the King himself who was well known to be specially interested in mathematics and mechanics. Benzelius concluded his letter by noting some small commissions for Emanuel to execute in Stockholm, and by announcing an early excursion to Starbo, a beautiful hamlet some thirty miles southwest of Fahlun, where was a large property, including an iron furnace owned by Emanuel's stepmother.

About the same time he received a letter from Polhem, to whom he had sent the MS. of the first article projected for the Daedalus, being his description of Polhem's invention of an ear trumpet; and also the "Address to the Reader," Projected for the Daedalus, and which was a high laudation of Polhem's own inventive genius. Polhem's letter to Emanuel was dated STIERNSUND, DECEMBER 7, 1715:

Noble and highly learned Sir

Highly honored friend:

With special delight and pleasure have I noted my highly honored Herr Swedberg's fine desein [plan], to desire with his own work and at his own cost to put in print the curieusa and useful things in Physico mathematics et mechanicis which are in the Dolegium curiosorum in Upsala, and those which he himself has assembled, for which M. H. deserves much thanks and praise, if not at once while the kingdom's cloudy day continues, yet, doubtless from those who come later when our righteous God allows His gracious Sun again to rise.

I have read with pleasure the description of the ear trumpets, and from it I find that M. H. is a quick mathematicus who is well fitted to carry out these matters and others of the same kind.

That in his Praefation, M. H. is pleased to bestow great praise upon me, for this I am most humbly grateful; but I would advise that it be done more sparingly, in order that the Delicata mind may not experience disgust thereat;1 for no such praise call come to a native home-born man, especially in his own time. But what I shall be able to contribuera to the further carrying out of these matters, will follow with the more pleasure since I entertain an inner feeling of tender love for everything that is of service and advancement to our fatherland, and as soon as M. H. thinks to continuera in this his praiseworthy undertaking, I hope to be able to contribute one or two things which will likely be of some use to the curiusa world, especially since daily experience and practice in mechanica practica has given the occasion for more speculationer than the best theoretiska books; so that, if M. H. is pleased to expend trouble and expense, materia and subjects shall not be lacking so long as I live and God grants me my usual health and vigeur; during which time
I remain, ever my highly honored Herr's obedient servant,

Christoph. Polhamar
Stiernsund, Dec. 7, 1715.

1 Emanuel did not follow this advice; in fact, the Address to the Reader was already in print.

P.S.* By inadvertence, the drawings of these ear trumpets were not enclosed, yet I have no doubt as to their correctness. 

In the preface stand the words New Thoughts on Mathematics. This is not appropriate, for mathematics has a surer foundation than thoughts.

A bell in a glass from which air has been pumped out makes a lower or duller sound, not a louder.

The learned Huygens has found the distance in the speed of air or sound to be 180 fathoms per min. sec. but it would be worth the trouble to find out whether it is the same in the lowest places or in the highest, and also what the difference is.

In the description of the speaking tube, should there not be a place for the inclusion of the tube's proportion which is the complement to an hyperbole, even though Sturm1 and others describe this?2

1 John Christopher Sturm (1635-1703), Professor of Mathematics and Physics in the University of Altdorf. The description referred to is contained in Tentamen VIII, De Tubis Acusticis, in his work Collegium Experimentale sive Curiosum, Norimb. 1701.

2 In his article on the Speaking Tube in the Daedalus Hyperboreus, p. 113, Swedberg followed this advice.

At H. H.3 Vice-President Thegner's,4 my H. H. call get some of my thoughts on the barometer and the properties of air. He is a man of inquiring mind who will take pleasure in my H. Herr's undertaking.

3 Hgthrade Herr, i.e., Highly honored Herr.

4 Count John Thegner (1658-1744), Vice-President of the Commission for examining the public expenditures, and a Director of the State Bank.

What I have written to Upsala5 ought to be gone through with better discrimination before it is put into print; for at that time my occupations did not as yet permit of accuracy in ail respects, especially in regard to reckonings and calculations.

5 i.e. Polhem's letters from 1710-1713 to the Collegium Curiosorum.

I have come so far with the material as to send the drawing which existed when the letter6 was sent. I crave pardon that this message prevents me from looking over the matter as I would readily wish.

6 i.e., Polhem's letter to Benzelius, October 30, 1710, which Swedberg printed in the first number of the Daedalus Hyperboreus: "Assessor Polhem's Experiments on the Nature of Sound."

* Postscript to Polhem's letter of December 7, 1715, omitted in Opera Quaedam I, p. 230, but printed in Polhems Bref, p. 113.

A few days later, on December tenth, Polhem also wrote to Benzelius. To him he said: "I note that young Herr Swedberg is a quick mathematicus and a clever man for the mechanske sciences, so that if he continues therein in the same way as he shows in the beginning, in time he will be able to do greater service to the King and the fatherland in this way than in any other." In a postscript, Polhem requests Benzelius to return his papers (namely, those sent in past years to the Collegium Curiosorum), "that I may see what I have formerly written and have thought further about, for the purpose which H. Swedberg is minded to follow up."

Toward the end of December, Emanuel answered his brother-in-law in a letter written in a French which, though he seems to take pride in it, is in reality comparable to the English of his letter of August 1715:

My dear Brother:

I gave myself the pleasure of re-reading your letter, my dear Brother, more than six times; it has also given me new pleasure more than six times, and if I should read it through yet a seventh time, I would be assured of another treat.

Literary occupations are my amusement every day; it is impatience alone that causes me some little unrest, and unrest somewhat disturbs my affairs here.

Messrs. Swab and Moraeus have come to Stockholm; they beg me to give you their compliments. Both these gentlemen give me the hope of being able, by correspondence with Monsieur Geisler, surveyor of the mines at Fahlun, to be able to obtain all the machines of our Plhammar in beautiful pictures. As he is the cleverest and most delightful painter in Sweden as concerns these small but intricate works of the mines, I flatter myself to obtain thereby some very curious pieces which will serve for ornaments and golden tapestry in this common work.1

1 The "common work" refers to the contemplated publication of descriptions of Polhem's and Swedberg's inventions, which the latter and Benzelius had thoroughly discussed in Upsala, and which they regarded as a work in common.

Mons. Lundstrm's machine* at Afsta [Avesta] has already ended its course and its tricks. It has not yet paid its tax to the King, not even two per cent like other subjects of the King; nor will it ever pay, when it cannot pay for itself. Mons. Swab will report this to the College of Mines here. This is the fate of machines invented by a master who has more experience than theory. If I would not have pleased Mons. Palhammar, I would have offered to present another more simple machine in place of this unfortunate one.

* This was a machine invented by Lundstrm in 1711 whereby "with the help of 18 or 20 men, about 500 coins could be stamped in an hour" (Stiernstedt 206n). In Feb. 1716, it was decided to give up using Lundstrm's machine (ibid., 267). Since Swedenborg's letter was written in Dec. 1715, he must have heard privately of dissatisfaction with this machine. Polhem's machine was adopted in June 1716 (ib., 299).

The models in the Bergscollegiurn are perishing from time to time. In six or ten years they will be useful only for the fire, unless I wish to avert their fate by means of a little brass and a little ink and paper.2 Behold, then, how all goes contrariwise in this matter; that which ought to have the time of eternity, does not survive the days of its master.

2 This means, not that the writer wishes actually to repair the broken down machines, but that by the expenditure of ink and paper and of the money necessary for printing, he wishes to introduce them to the public, and thus to give them life.

I have suspected, my dear Brother, the same thing of Mons. Werner3 as you have warned me of with the greatest elucidation. The gentleman is a man who dreams of doing everything by promises and complaisance; and as he is all for his own little glory, he dreams of feeding it by all the worldly advantages which present themselves to him. My dear Brother, if you would give me a letter to him, he would perhaps take courage;4 but to engage his cooperation, the principal motives should be honor and interest.

3 John Henry Werner, a German wood-engraver who settled in Stockholm about 1670. In 1698, he bought a printing business in that city, and in 1701 another in Upsala, called The Academy Printery. In 1705 he was authorized to call his Stockholm shop The Royal Printery. It was situated at Norrbro (Frsk till Historia om Sveriges Boktryckerier, p. 91 seq.).

4 Namely, to undertake the publication of the Daedalus.

As to the dedication, I must obey you. When you foresee something there, I also will do likewise, making a semblance of penetrating into the same thing. Yet I should be able to flatter myself of a little reward there; but obedience to your counsels shall prevail over all interest arising from more advantageous views.

But, my dear Brother, a single word to my father from you on my behalf will be more than twenty thousand remonstrances from me.

Without making any recommendation, you can advertise him of my project, of my solicitude for studies, so that he will not imagine in the future that I would waste time and, at the same time, his money. One word from another will be worth more than a thousand from myself. He well knows that you have the kindness to be interested in my behalf, but he knows also that I myself have a still greater interest for myself, and it is because of this that he will distrust what comes from me more than what comes from you, my dear Brother.

I will see to the shoes for brother Eric. We will also see to the petticoate,5 though the dyers or ...6 have their hands full: whole shops7 are being sent to their black chambers in order to make all clothes here more sombre, and, for the present, everything that has been red or gay now takes on the color of mourning. It is this which hinders my sister's petticoate from being dyed black.

5 Swedberg here uses the English word petticoat.

6 "Couloreurs ou..." Evidently, the correct French word had escaped the writer and he hoped to supply it later.

7 Les boutiques. Perhaps the writer meant "shops' goods."

I also should have liked to be of the company to Starbo, but since literary matters press me hard, it is necessary to push on with them, even to the first goal;8 but in eight or fifteen days9 after your departure, I could perhaps pass over the road with you, when I go to Brunsbo.

8 i.e., the first number of Daedalus Hyperboreus.

9 or, as we would say, "in a week or two."

The news which is reported here arrived from Stralsund the next day,10 namely [1] that the Royal Chancery and all its officers have embarked to go to Sweden; N.B. for the King also [was] kept a place therein. 2. That Stralsund is reduced to ashes and is buried together with many officers. 3. Monsieur Odelstrm is promoted to the library here,11 to be its guardian; no other promotions.

10 i.e., apparently, the day after Swedberg had received Benzelius's letter. This indicates that the latter had been received December 15th. Charles XII left Stralsund on the eleventh when surrender was inevitable, and arrived in Trlleborg on the thirteenth. Word of his arrival reached Stockholm three days later, though Swedenborg had not heard it when he wrote. Meanwhile, rumors supplied the place of news.

11 Carl Carlsson Odhelstrm (1683-1723). The appointment was as librarian of the King's library which was then in the Royal Castle.

Pardon me, my dear Brother, that I write you in French. That which one thinks of, one tries ordinarily to amuse oneself with. My thoughts are flowing, for the present, over this language, but when Cicero shall amuse me, I will amuse you also as a Ciceronian. Live happily and think.

my dear Brother, of

Your very affectionate and very

humble servant

Eman. Swedberg

The first number of the Daedalus was finished early in December, so far as the writing and engraving was concerned. In the Stockholm weekly paper, Post Tidender of January 10, 1716, the Editor advertises it for sale "for the author's benefit." The Editor further informs his readers that the Daedalus is printed in Upsala, and that it is intended to issue it every other month.12

12 Daedalus was an Athenian, famous for his mechanical inventions, among which was a statue which moved as if of itself, and wax wings whereby the inventor escaped from prison. Polhem was sometimes called "the Swedish Daedalus," and it was probably to indicate Polhem, that Emanuel called his publication Daedalus Hyperboreas (the Northern Daedalus).

Meanwhile, Emanuel was thinking of the second number, in which he intended describing the hoisting machine driven by a water wheel which Polhem had invented for use in the Fahlun mines. In 1690, Polhem, then almost unknown, exhibited a large model of this machine before King Charles XI and the College of Mines, and it was found to be so vastly superior to the hoisting machines then in use, that it elicited for its inventor the favor of the King, and also a grant of money for an extended foreign journey in the interests of mechanical research. In fact, it was the first stage of Polhem's brilliant career. The machine was erected at Fahlun in 1693, where it fulfilled all expectations.13 As Swedberg had heard that the inventor possessed a copperplate engraving of this machine, he wrote him requesting the use of it.14 He received a prompt reply, dated December 19, 1715:

13 Rosman, pp. 26, 29; Bring, Christoph. Polhem, pp. 16, 13.

14 This engraving was duly printed in the Daedalus Hyperboreus no. 11. It had been made in Amsterdam in 1697, and is very different from the other engravings of the Daedalus. These latter, with the exception of a woodcut made in Upsala, and perhaps also of a copperplate by Prof. Roberg, were engraved in Stockholm, and were very unsatisfactory; see p. 96, note 4.

Noble and highly learned Herr,

Highly honored friend:

The copperplate which is desired shall readily be put at M. H's service, but he must be put to the trouble of asking H. Magister Naclerus who borrowed it for his disputation, and forgot to return it.1

1 Olaus Nauclerus had borrowed this plate in 1702, for use in his Upsala disputation where it was printed. Although it had been out of Polhem's possession for thirteen years, Swedberg eventually got possession of it--probably through Eric Benzelius, for at this time Nauclerus was notary to the Upsala Consistory. The title of the Latin disputation above referred to is a new machine for drawing out and hoisting metals from metal mines for more easily and at less cost, more suitable and durable than those previously used in mines, being furnished with wood instead of leather ropes ... the author and inventor whereof is Christopher Polhammer.

That which is desired concerning the water wheel as to its working and speed, etc., demands in truth some greater extensiveness than can be explained by means of a letter, especially if one will demonstrate everything mathematice. In the laboratorio mechanico experiments are made at the King's expense2 on all the principal parts belonging to this and other machines, which agree pretty closely with theorin, and mathematiska calculations, especially after I found the cause of the Differentien, to wit, the resistentia mediorum et refrictio materiarum [the resistance of the mediums and the friction of the materials] which also have their own proportions--all of which gives rise to a more extensive treatment than can be brought forward here. But if M. H. had the desire to devote himself with diligence to Mechanske studium, I would wish that my poor accomodamenter were seemly for him, so as more often to conferrera orally; so I hoped that we would find enjoyment on both sides. For, though I see that the present hard times, and my few remaining days3 will cut off the carrying out of my deseiners, I have, nevertheless, desire and pleasure to discurera [engage in discussion] thereon with those who find pleasure therein; for otherwise it would be like loving one who did not love in return.

2 The mechanical laboratory here referred to was a new laboratory, established in Stiernsund in 1712 by order of Charles XII, mainly with the view of utilizing Polhem's inventive genius in the development of implements that could be used for war (Bring, Christoph. Polhem, p. 40)

3 Polhem was then fifty-four years old. He died in 1751 in his home on Hornsgatan where he was a neighbor of Swedenborg.

As soon as M. H. puts into print what is intended, and wishes to undertake some new thing, it would be useful for me to conferrera thereon, and in case it will not otherwise be hard for M. H. to journey here by so long a road, I would prize it as a great honor and pleasure if M. H. were pleased to visit me here in Stiernsund, being unable sufficiently to express the esteem I have for those who are lovers of the few things that I know. For the rest, I wish M. H. good fortune and blessing for the good Christmas holiday, and a more gladsome new year, and with hearty greeting, remain

my highly honored Herr's

obedient servant

Christoph. Polhamar
Stiernsund, Dec. 19, 1715

P.S. If M. H. has any business with my Brother who is a mathematic instrument-maker in Stockholm, M. H. will greet him and let him know I wrote him by the post thirteen weeks ago, and an answer thereto is awaited.

To M. Emanuel Swedberg at Stockholm.

Before leaving Stockholm, Emanuel had come across a book recently published in London, the tide of which very naturally led him to purchase it. It was a work by Dorothei Alimari, a Venetian mathematician, entitled Longitudinis aut terra aut mari investigandae methodus adjectis insuper demonstrationibus et instrumentorum iconismis, London 1715 (A Method of Investigating the Longitude, whether by land or by sea, together with demonstration, and figures showing the instruments). As will be seen later, Emanuel did not think much of this work.

Soon after the receipt of Polhem's letter, he left Stockholm for Starbo where he spent Christmas with his younger sister Hedwig and her husband Lars Benzelius who was then the manager of the Starbo property and master of the Mines of that district; also, as it would seem, with his older sister Anna and her husband Eric Benzelius--the two brothers having married the two sisters.

The meeting with Eric Benzelius, who was a man of great influence in the Upsala University or "Academy" as it was then called, naturally brought to the fore the question of Emanuel's employment as a professor. What the latter proposed was that a professorship of mechanics be established, and that he be appointed to fill the office.

The great obstacle was a financial one; for Upsala, in common with the whole of Sweden, was suffering from the poverty entailed by the persistence of the King in his warlike operations. Discussion could not supply financial ability; but Emanuel was eager in the matter, foreseeing in a professorship the opportunity which he so longed for, of introducing into the university life, and into Sweden in general, the cultivation of practical science as an offset to the scholastic, classical, and abstract theological studies which were still predominant in Upsala; a science which would open men's mind to the facts of nature, and arouse them to inquire into the causes of those facts, and the cultivation of which, he hoped, would not only bring to Sweden material improvement in her manufactures, but would introduce that spirit of free investigation, the happy fruits of which he had so recently witnessed in England.

The financial problem, however, was a hard one to solve. But Emanuel's eagerness does not seem to have been unduly daunted, and it was perhaps at this time that he adumbrated to his brother-in-law the plan, which he later developed, whereby the new professorship of mechanics could be supported by decreasing the salaries of the other professors in the faculty of philosophy, and giving them certain privileges which would make up for the decrease. In any case, Benzelius promised to take up the matter at Upsala, and to report the results.

From Benzelius he received an article by Professor Roberg which the latter had been requested to write for the second number of the Daedalus, on the production of native salt from sea water--a matter of the utmost importance at the time, since enemy ships were making Swedish imports increasingly difficult, and salt could be obtained only at an exorbitant price. Doubtless Emanuel had many serious discussions with his brother-in-law Eric, but, judging from a later letter (March 16th), he had also plenty of amusements to distract his thoughts and divert him from serious literary work.

After the Christmas holidays, Benzelius and his wife left for Upsala; and shortly thereafter, Emanuel wrote him promising to send on the material for the next issue of the Daedalus, the printing of which in Upsala, Benzelius had undertaken to supervise. Then, settling down to work in connection with the Daedalus, he rewrote Roberg's article, which advocated the use of freezing weather as one of the means of obtaining salt from sea water.

He also wrote an appendix to Roberg's article, suggesting some experiments which might be instituted to determine the effect of frost on water.

In the beginning of February, he accepted Polhem's invitation, and went for a few days to Stiernsund, some forty miles north of Starbo, to consult with Polhem on plans for the next issue of the Daedalus.

In Stiernsund, for the first time, he met Polhem's family, which consisted of one son, Gabriel, then nearly seventeen years old, and three daughters, the oldest of whom, Maria, was seventeen years, while her younger sister, Emerentia, was twelve and a half.

At Stiernsund, Emanuel was able to study the print of the copperplate of Polhem's hoisting machines, and to learn from the inventor those numerous details respecting its construction and its manner of working which he would require in order to describe the machine in the next issue of the Daedalus. He also discussed with Polhem a curious invention the latter had made, whereby he could calculate compound interest by means of dividing a triangle in a certain way, a discovery which Emanuel considered important enough to resolve to publish it to the Swedish world by means of the Daedalus.

Among the things that came up for discussion between Polhem and his guest, was the means of elevating the common people, who were then extremely backward. Polhem, with his mind concentrated on mathematics and mechanics, had conceived the idea of writing in Swedish and in very simple language, a series of daily lessons, each consisting of at most ten lines, whereby the learner would be introduced to arithmetic and geometry with a special view to the sciences of surveying and mechanics. In the whole of Swedish literature, there was not a single elementary Swedish arithmetic. Polhem's idea, therefore, was particularly attractive to his young visitor, inasmuch as he saw in it one of the means of bringing a knowledge of mathematics to the people, and so in some measure of raising the national standard. It may be recalled that it was the same spirit that had inspired Emanuel, contrary to all custom, to publish his Daedalus in Swedish instead of Latin.

Polhem had prepared fifty-seven of these daily lessons which he entitled Wishetens andra grundwahl til Ungdoms prydnad, Mandoms nytta och lderdoms nje.4 The lessons are of the simplest kind. Thus, the first four are simply definitions of arithmetic, geometry, proportion, and algebra; the fifth consists in learning the figures 1-9, 10-100, etc.; the sixth to ninth, in the definition of addition, subtraction, multiplication and division; and so on.

4 The Second Foundation of Wisdom for the Adornment of Youth, the Use of Manhood and the Delight of Old Age--the First Foundation, as he explains in his preface, being the learning to "write, speak, and understand one's own and others' tongues."

Emanuel was so greatly interested in this work that he undertook to print it at his own expense, an undertaking which was readily accepted by the somewhat parsimonious author.5 Polhem, on his part, handed over the fifty-seven paragraphs he had already prepared, readily enough, and promised to write the continuation as it was required for the press.

5 See Bring, Christ. Polhem, p. 75.

But what, for Emanuel, must have been the most exhilarating of the subjects on which he talked with Polhem, was the latter's projected visit to the King in Ystad, at the extreme south of Sweden, with a view to building a dry dock at the naval base in Karlscrona.

Polhem first became known to the present government in Sweden in 1711 when, by first because certain improvements in cannons, and by his invention of a grist mill that could accompany an army in the field, he so greatly recommended himself to General Stenbock that the latter highly recommended him to the government. A little later in 1711, the Collegium Curiosorum wrote of his inventive genius to Casten Feif, then with the King in Bender. At the same time Polhem himself sent a list of his inventions. This came under the direct notice of the King whose native mechanical genius was delighted with Polhem's various inventions, especially those that concerned the carrying on of war, and Polhem was encouraged to continue his work and to send models of his inventions to Bender.

But with the Kalabaliken in Bender (p. 46), whereby Charles XII became a semi-prisoner in Turkish hands, all communication with Polhem was stopped. The King, however, had not forgotten him, and when, after leaving Turkey, he made his residence at Stralsund, he ordered the inventor to attend him there.

Though Polhem found it impossible (or inexpedient) to obey this order, he did not lose favor with the King, and when the latter, after his escape from Stralsund in December 1715, established his capital at Ystad, he wrote to Polhem on January 27, 1716, ordering him to Karlscrona to assist in planning for the building of a dry dock, with a view to the more efficient continuance of the war against the enemy, and particularly Denmark.6

6 For the particulars related in this and the preceding paragraph, see S. E. Bring, Christoph. Polhem, pp. 43 seq.

It appears from Swedberg's letter to Eric Benzelius, of February 14, 1716, that Polhem had been ordered, not only to go to Karlscrona, but first to attend on the King at Tistad; and that he had received these orders before the time of Emanuel's visit to Stiernsund, or else during the visit itself. It is certain that during this visit in Polhem's home, Emanuel envisaged the prospect of seeing the King at Ystad; and his delight in this prospect was heightened by the thought that he would then have the opportunity of introducing his Daedalus to a Potentate whose mathematical and mechanical genius was well known. Doubtless also he thought to enlist the King in support of the project to establish in Sweden a Royal Observatory such as existed at Greenwich and Paris, and to found a learned society which would be free to investigate the secrets of nature for the benefit of the fatherland and of mankind in general.

After his visit to Polhem, Emanuel returned to Starbo where he began to prepare for the press Polhem's "Second Foundation of Wisdom," which he had undertaken to print. Probably he had to make a clean copy of the whole MS., as Polhem's writing was exceedingly difficult to read, to say nothing of his style which was far from literary.

His principal work at Starbo, however, was the preparation of material for No. II of the Daedalus. This included the description of Polhem's hoisting machine, of his method of calculating compound interest, and of an article by Emanuel himself, setting forth the current value of the silver coin called Carolin, as compared with the rixdaler and the silvermint and coppermint daler--a matter of considerable importance to Swedish manufacturers, to whom the fluctuations of coin values were a constant source of anxiety. He also wrote out in Latin an account of the total eclipse of the sun on April 22, 1715, as observed by Professor Vallerius. This account, which was presumably copied or edited from Professor Vallerius' manuscript, included not only the table of the progress of the eclipse and the readings of the chronometer and barometer, but also a long account of the preparations that had been made for the observation, and of the manner in which it was recorded.

It appears, moreover, as will be seen presently, that the material prepared at Starbo for No. II of the Daedalus included also an article on The Causes of Things. This article has hitherto been attributed to Swedberg himself,7 but a perusal of the article itself, as well as certain references by Polhem and Benzelius in letters which will be referred to presently, tends to show conclusively that it is essentially Polhem's, and that Swedberg merely edited it, using some of the material he had gathered during his stay with Polhem.8

7 It is so attributed by Hyde in his Bibliography (p. 22), who ascribes the work to 1717; by the Editor of the printed Swedish text, in Opera Quaedam III, pp. 231-33; and by the English translator in Scientific and Philosophical Treatises, I, p. 5-7.

8 See Swedberg's letter of Feb. 14, p. 86; and New Phil. 1947, p. 33.

The article itself sets forth theories propounded by Polhem in papers communicated to the Collegium Curiosorum in previous years, and about which he had probably talked with Emanuel during the latter's visit to Stiernsund. Thus the article illustrates the course of the planets in the air, by experiments with balls, light and heavy, swung around in water; it describes the particles in the ether, as consisting of smaller particles, and these again of smaller ad infintium, all being of a round figure; it defines the origin of the earth as being a contention between fire and water, their compression producing salt from the water, and sulphur from the fire; further compression produced oil from the sulphur, and flowing glass from the salt.9

9 All this agrees with the teaching of Polhem. The latter held that the earth had originally been a sun, which gradually became encrusted with so much material that the encrustation held in the fire, and was in its turn overlaid first with air and then with water. Cavities being formed in the crust, the water streamed through, and the resultant steam shot up mountains, etc., while falling pieces of these mountains sank down in the water, and by their constant friction produced sand, etc. The many cavities in the thick crust resulted in a mutual working on each other of the four elements fire, air, water, and earth, the result being sulphur, salt, and other sorts of matter. See Bring, Ch. Polhem. pp. 64, 66; also pp. 88-9 and note below.

Emanuel left Starbo in the second week of February, en route to his home in Brunsbo. On the way he stopped at Skrviken, some fifty miles south of Starbo, where, to quote his own words (p. 94), he "became richer," perhaps because of some sale of iron in which he had an interest. At Starbo there was an iron furnace belonging to Emanuel's stepmother, while at Skrviken was an iron works (see Swedenborg's De Ferro, pp. 63, 64), which probably was owned by Emanuel's brother Eliezer. In any case, it would seem that Emanuel himself had some financial interest in the sale of the Starbo iron. Undoubtedly, he was his stepmother's favorite son, and it was her steady intention to leave him the whole of Starbo after her death.10

10 It appears that at this time she gave him the free use of Starbo, and the enjoyment of its income (N. K. Tidning, July, August, 1927, p. 67)

When traveling from Starbo, he had carried the papers for the Daedalus with him, because, when sending them to his brother-in-law in Upsala, he hoped also to send money. And now, having obtained the money, he sends him the papers and the money enclosed in a letter dated FEBRUARY 14, 1716:

Highly honored d: Brother:

I am sending over what I promised in my last letter from Starbo, with the understanding that it shall be put into print in Upsala. There is probably some one there, who has compassion upon it, who will take on himself the curam emendandi [the care of correcting it] in print; perhaps Brother Esberg.1 With this goes a bill on Monsieur von der Hagen,2 for 14 Riksdalers,3 which commands its full value, and will be paid at once on presentation.

1 Eric Esberg (1699-1769), a son of Eric Benzelius's sister. After studying in Upsala, he became, in 1718, assistant to Lars Benzelius who was in charge of the Starbo property. On May 19, 1747 (about the time when Swedenborg resigned from the College), he became Assessor, and in 1757 Counsellor, in the College of Mines (Almqvist, Bergskollegium, p. 197)

2 Ludwig v. Hagen and Erland Cameen were the financial agents in Stockholm for the Swedberg iron properties.

3 According to Swedberg's Tables in the Daedalus Hyperborcus, 14 riksdalers equalled 29 dal. silvermint, or 87 dal. coppermint. In modern coinage, this would be nominally Kr. 38, but, in modern values, it would be over Kr. 325 ($87.00; see Bring's Karl XII, pp. 505, 512).

I have also inserted Doctor Roberg's experiment or project on saltmaking, which I have completely changed so that the test can now be made more accurately. In Starbo, I had also planned to make some investigation in this matter, but the winter would not cooperate with me.

If the Herr Doctor wishes his name to appear, since his project has been so changed, it is left open to be inserted.4

4 Evidently the Doctor did not wish his name to be altogether ignored, for the article is initialed "L. R."

2. I also leave space for Prof: Vallerii observationem eclipseos Solaris which he himself can translate into Swedish and leave it with the printer, but with the reservation that he be brief.5

5 Vallerius took Swedberg's admonition as to briefness very literally, for he contented himself with a translation of the table alone, which filled one page of the Daedalus. Had he translated the rest of Swedberg's MS., it would have filled 2-1/2 additional pages.

3. The reckoning of interesse by a triangle is Plhammar's, but the Carolin-reckoning is my own. These articles also I have left without name or sponsor; yet it is open to insert them.6

6 This, in fact, Benzelius did.

4. Another time, I hope to get something more useful for insertion, on the basis of what I assembled during the short time I was in Stiernsund.

N.B. 5. I send on a drawing of the interesse triangel, and also of a little instrument which pertains to Plhammar's experiments.7 I do not know how they can be engraved in wood; it would be altogether too great a piece of luck and beneficence if some one could be found in Upsala who did this work; it would be easy, and only requires one who had prima rudimenta artis sculptoriae [the first rudiments of the art of engraving8]. If it were to have been done in copper, I would neither have got it to Aveln nor from him, nor from Hedengren9 either. And so, were it possible in Upsala, that it can be done in wood, that would be my prayer. The cost will be paid whole heartedly. Prof. Vallerius or Dr. Roberg will no doubt give directions.

7 Benzelius did not insert the drawing of this instrument in No. II of the Daedalus, though in a paragraph added to the end of the article he refers to it and intimates that it will appear in a later issue--but it never did appear. Probably, being more difficult to engrave than the triangle, he found it impossible to get it executed.

8 It should be noted that Emanuel had himself acquired the art of engraving. See the letter of August, 1711, p. 29.
9Aveln and Hedengren were two copper engravers in Stockholm. The former had made copperplates for No. 1 of the Daedalus, and also for a subsequent number, but his work was very poor. See the letter of April 1716, p. 100.

6. How fine it would be if a copper press comes to Upsala.9a.

9a. Even by 1733 there was still no copper press in Upsala and all printing of copperplates must be done in Stockholm (Liden, p. 115).

7. As to the large copperplate10 and the printing of it, I have made the necessary arrangements in Stockholm through Brother Gustaf.

10 This refers to the copperplate spoken of in Polhem's letter to Swedberg of December 19, 1715, p. 78.

8. I would wish from my heart that this11 were ready, the sooner the better, so that I could get a couple of copies of it to Ysted while I were there,12 to recommendera it together with the previous number.

11 That is, the second number of the Daedalus.

12 Alas, Charles XII left Ystad on February 16, and never returned (Fryxell 29, p. 9).

9. If I can remain in Brunsbo long enough to await d: Brother's letter, I beg to get a proposition as to the means for a Profess: Mechanicum [a professorship of mechanics] to be paid like the others; perhaps by decrease in their pay. If I see no other way out, this proposition will probably be presented in the proper quarter.

10. I have also another little work--which Plhammar intends to add to--a work called Ungdoms heder, mandoms nytta, lderdoms nje [Youth's Honor, Manhood's use, Old Age's Delight],wherein Arithmetike, Geometrie, and Algebra are treated of, beginning with the easiest lessons and going gradually to the difficult. For a beginning there are now two arks, which also I will send to Upsala in my next.

11. In my last, I made a mistake. I should have written confido tibi haec, mi frater! ut Sacerdoti, simul ut politico; ut etiam haec.13 Farewell.

13 I confide these matters to thee, my brother, as a priest, and, at the same time, as a statesman. So also these.

Highly honored d: Brother's

faithful brother and serv.

Eman: Swedb:

Skrwiken, 14 Feb. 1716
while traveling.

P.S. There will be 420 exempl. [copies] on fine printing paper at 9 dalers a ream; 125 exempl. on writing paper.

From Brunsbo, whither he now proceeded, Emanuel wrote to Polhem telling him of what he had written concerning balls swung in water, as illustrating the course of the planets, and enclosing a copy of the triangle which he had drawn for use in the Daedalus in connection with the article on a method of calculating compound interest devised by Polhem. He also enclosed his description of Polhem s hoisting machine, which he asked Polhem to read and then to send on to Benzelius for inclusion in No. II of the Daedalus. Polhem did read the article, though, as usual, with great haste, and duly forwarded it to Benzelius together with the sketch of the triangle. In an accompanying letter, dated March 6, he writes: "By the last post came H. Swedberg's letter, together with that which is enclosed herewith and is intended for printing. As requested, I have read through the same, though in the greatest haste, and since I can find no other than that the one and the other has its merits, I have nothing, or nothing special, to note concerning them, save that I see that H. Swedberg wishes to have the triangle brought in, in connection with the interesse on interesse [compound interest] of which lately discureratess [there was some talk (between us)], in which case, it is more fitting to use curved lines instead of the alternate diagonals or trasvers linea." We note, in passing, that the change here suggested, could not be made because the woodcut had already been finished; but Benzelius added, at the end of the article, a correcting sentence, quoted from Polhem's letter. In the same letter, Polhem refers to his Two Foundations which Herr Swedberg was to print, saying that since there was no hurry in the matter, he would like to know what the mathematicians in Upsala thought of it. It was indifferent to him whether or not his name appeared on its title-page, his only hope being that the work itself would prove useful to youth; "and if in future it is found to be in request, the same work can grow to a book of some size, even though the beginning is crude and simple." He then continues: "Some time ago H. Swedberg was with me, and I then got to know of his resourcefulness and good qualiteter, and therefore am so much the more willing to leave it to him to bring my few knowledges to light, since, because of his previous learning and knowledge in mathematiske matters, he is fitted thereto and capabel."

Two days later (March 8), after further reflection on what he had so hastily read, Polhem again writes to Benzelius, giving a paragraph which is to be added to the article on the hoisting machine, and which Benzelius duly incorporated in the printed article.

Polhem then continues, with evident reference to the essay Causes of Things, which had been written for No. II of the Daedalus: "The experiment concerning the bullet swinging under water, and its application to the course of the earth and the planets, involves many features which ought to be explained at the same time, but since this cannot be done now, it would be best to exclude this experiment till the next number [of the Daedalus] together with all else that pertains to it. Whenever any of my experimenter and resonementer [reasonings] are taken in hand for insertion, I would earnestly desire to have knowledge of it somewhat beforehand, so that nothing unripe may come to daylight upon which foreigners would get occasion to criticera rather than to find pleasure in its right connection. If the Herr Bibl. [Librarian] finds it necessary to put the above-named experiment in, then the application to the earth and planets can be excluded,14 and in its place I promise an explanation of it for the next number."

14 What Polhem here suggests, is that, in case the article on The Causes of Things is printed in the second number of the Daedalus, part of the first paragraph should be omitted. As will be seen presently, Benzelius elected to omit the whole article--and very naturally so, in view of Polhem's remarks; see pp. 81 and 95. The original MS. in Swedberg's handwriting is preserved among Benzelius' papers. The text was printed in Em. Swedenborg, Op. Quaedam, III, pp. 231-3, and an English translation in Scientific and Phil. Treat., I, p. 3.

Emanuel had, of course, heard by now that the King had left Ystad and was engaged in an attempt to seize Norway from the Danes. Naturally, Emanuel no longer entertained the idea of meeting him in the near future, and his mind turned more and more to the thought of securing a professorship in Upsala. It was on this subject that he wrote to his brother-in-law from BRUNSBO on MARCH 4, 1716:

Highly honored d: Brother:

Since an opportunity is offered by the printer's apprentice, Hkan, I herewith send d: Brother a little work which Plhammar has commenced and which he intends shall come out from time to time.1 It is a cursus mathematicus consisting solely of Geometrien, Arithmetiquen, and Algebra, of which this is the first and easiest. I promised to put it in print, which I also intend to do at my own depens [expense] if there is no one disposed to undertake it in my stead; and since it is so useful for incipienter [beginners] and others, it should in all probability find a market.

Perhaps the printer would publish it at his own cost, for in this matter I do not willingly agerar [act] as a personam mutam [silent partner] or as a bookseller or publisher, since I do not see therein any opportunity of setting in motion anything for my own recommendation.

1 Namely, The Second Foundation of Wisdom. See p. 82.

Since the King is still at the northern frontier, the journey to Ysted is postponed2 until I see how things turn out. Perhaps, therefore, I will remain in my resolution to seek that of which I wrote to my Brother some time ago, to wit:

2 Charles XII, who was then fighting in Norway, did not return to Ystad, but made Lund his capital, entering that city in September 1716 (Bring, Karl XII, p. 454).

1. Since a societet in Mathesi would be as necessary and useful as a philosophisk society, and would heal our land more than ever the latter would, both in the establishment of manufacturier and in connection with mines, navigation, etc., therefore, for its advancement, there could well be subtracted one-seventh part of the provision which is appropriated to the Academien; from which can be obtained a sum of 9000 d. coppermint.3

3 or 3,000 dalers silvermint.

2. This, therefore, could be so appropriated and divided, that

one Professor mechanices had 600 d. sm.

A Secretary 300 d. sm.

4 Collegae, at 200 each, amounting to 800 d. sm.

4 auscultanter, at 100 each 400 d. sm.

For models, experiments, observations 500 d. sm.

For instruments, yearly 400 d. sm.

Total 3000 D: s.m.4

4 100 dal. s.m. equals, nominally, 133 kronor of modern coinage, but according to actual values, it would equal 1,064 kr. (About $285).

3. The 4 collegae who would have 200 D. silvermint, could well be the Professores, such as Pr: Vallerius, Elfvius, Roberg, Bromell, so that, together with their profession, they could enjoy more than at present. The office of Secretaire could best be filled by d: Brother. I think that in this matter it would fall more lightly on the Professoribus, if one-seventh should be taken from them rather than one-half or the whole, as is the case with the other servants of the King, since they would still be bound to offer their all for the advancement of studies.5

5 The plan here suggested has some curious features which make Benzelius's rejection of it readily understandable, as well as Emanuel's subsequent playful excuse. The proposal was to raise 3000 d. s. m. by taking one-seventh of the money appropriated to the Academy. There were in all controlled by the University--at a salary of 700 d. s. m. each; or, counting the Librarian who received the same salary, 19. The professorial reduction would thus raise only 1900 d. s. m. To raise 3000 d. s. in., it would be necessary to take one-seventh of nearly all salaries including even low ones. (See Annerstedt, Ups. Univ. Hist., vol. 3, Bihang, p. 36 seq.) But Swedberg's plan seems to have contemplated only professors' salaries. In effect, it was that all the professors should suffer a cut of 100 d. s. m. and that four of them should each be compensated by receiving 200 d. s. m., and the Librarian by receiving 300 d. s. m. from the proposed mechanical department; but see p. 93, note 2.

Although in this there is more of playfulness than of seriousness, yet, if it should win any one's consens, a recommendation by the proper authorities ought also to follow. But more at another time.

If it were possible by some messenger, I would beg to receive the Camera obscura6 which had a blue cylindre as a covering around it. It lies on the stone ledge in the vault near the cupboard. I intend, by its means, to make reflexions on the perspective art by the taking of a number of vuer [views] and prospecter. If, therefore, it could be sent me in the quickest way, it would be a great kindness to me, and my great desire would get its satisfaction. Sister Anna, little brother Ericto whom I recommenderar the enclosed by Plhammar7--are greeted to the utmost; with God's commendation

6 This was the Camera Obscura which Emanuel bought in London; the letter of Oct. 13, 1710 (p. 13).

7 Namely, The Second Foundation of Wisdom. Eric was nearly eleven years old.

highly honored d: Brother's

most faithful brother and serv.

Eman: Swedberg

Brunsbo: 1716, 4 March.

On account of the nature of this letter as touching on the Upsala Professors' salaries, Emanuel was very careful to make sure that it would meet no other eyes than Benzelius's. He enclosed it in a separate envelope which he sealed with his own seal.

Being now in funds, Emanuel sent Benzelius 150 dal. coppermint, to pay for the printing of Daedalus No. II. The letter enclosing this payment seems to have crossed a letter from Benzelius, dated March 12. There Benzelius informs Emanuel concerning Polhem's criticisms, and says that Polhem's additional paragraph had now been sent to the printer to be added to the article for number II of the Daedalus. He also tells him of the death, on March 8, of the professor of Mathematics, Harold Vallerius, and that the professor's oldest son Johan would succeed him in the professorship, to which post he had been nominated by Charles XII in 1712.

As to Emanuel's proposals in regard to the establishment of a professorship of mechanics, with himself as the first incumbent, Benzelius is by no means enthusiastic. Rather he throws cold water on the scheme, reminding his brother-in-law that the existing professors were hardly likely to consent to a diminishing of their own salaries in favor of a new professorship. He expresses also the hope that Emanuel's proposition may not come to the ears of others lest it prejudice the professors against him. Finally, he asks Emanuel to inquire at the widow Kjellberg's bookshop, as to how many copies of his Theophrastus had been sold.8

8 The work here referred to is the Theophrasti Notationes Morum, published by Eric Benzelius in 1708, as a textbook to be used in the Swedish academies (Forssell, p. 92) Twenty-six copies of this work had been sent to Mr. Kjellberg's printing and bookshop for sale. This printery, brought to Skara by Bishop Swedberg in 1707, was the first printery to exist in that city. Kjellberg had died in r7I5, but the business was continued by his widow, to whom the Royal privileges were continued (Hist. ver Sveriges Boktryckerier, pp. 129-30). It was of her, therefore, that Emanuel made the necessary inquiries.

Emanuel's answer is not dated, but it was sent by return post and must therefore have been written about MARCH 19TH:

Highly honored d. Brother:

By the last post there came to me d. Brother's very welcome letter of March 12. It gives me pleasure to learn therefrom that Ass: Plhammar has been pleased to send to Upsala the experiment for this or the next ensuing month. I should like to know approximately his observations thereon, for I admit that I was too hasty with it, since I was then traveling and had so many other occupationer and amusements which distracted my thoughts; moreover, it is very hard to set on paper the penseer [thoughts] of another so that they shall fully fit in with one's own. Hereafter, however, when I come into quietness, I will devote more time and industry to this, and will send them to him in good time, though in small installments.

For the rest, it is dear to my heart to learn my Brother's opinion and pleasure concerning my proposition. Never have I been or will become so forgetful of myself and of my good standing at Upsala as to endeavor that the Professors should sustain injury through me; but I thought, by so desperate and exsecrabelt a proposition to force my brother's prudence and imagination to give out a better one. If I wrote it en raillant [in jest], I could well change to en disant la verite [in speaking the truth], especially as it has gone no further, since I well cacherat [concealed] it in my Brother's convert [envelope1] and under my seal, so that I do not think any one has been able to peep therein.

1 That is, in the envelope which was included in the package of papers carried to Benzelius by the apprentice Hkan.

Yet, I should wish that some plan could be given for the establishment of the societet; and if it is not to depend on time and waiting, it could most easily come about by the retiring of some of the professorships, namely, those which seem to be least necessary; namely, Theologien and Medicin could in time be deprived of one Professorship: also Professio orient: lingv: [the professorship of oriental languages] transfereras [be transferred] to the Professionem Theologiae or lingv: Graec: [of the Greek language]; so also Moralium [that of morals] to Historices [that of history]; especially since in few Academier are so many Profess: [Professorships] established.2 But since presumably, this could not come into actuality except in the course of six or ten years, it would be all to the good if meanwhile some other funs [fund] could be hit upon. For this, my Brother's prudence would probably be of the utmost service.

2 The University of Upsala had at this time four professors of theology, two of law (Roman and Swedish), two of medicine (practice and anatomy, chemistry, botany, etc.), and ten or more in the philosophical faculty, namely, history, morals and civics, oriental languages, Greek, theoretical philosophy, poetry (Latin), eloquence, eloquence and politics (the Skyttian Professorship), astronomy and mathematics. Swedberg's proposition was that there should be only three theological professorships and one medical; and that oriental languages (Hebrew) should be put under theology or Greek, and morals and civics under history. This would provide a fund of 2800 dal. s. m.

By the last post, I sent 150 dal. cop. mint for the payment of my debt. I do not know whether that will be enough, since I do not know what I have remitted on the same account, save the two glasses to Vallerius and also the acta societ: anglic: [Philosophical Transactions] in three volumes at 15 shillings, and some other small books, so that I think the account was about 4 pund more or less.3 My traveling journal where I entered this item lies in Hamburg among my things. What may be included in addition to this shall be quickly repaid with all thankfulness. I would already have settled my indebtedness in this matter in Stockholm, but as I then hardly knew how I would come out with my accounts, a single stiver was precious to me. This also prevented me from there showing my Brother any gratitude in another way, as was due. In Skrwiken I became richer than otherwise, from which I hope in time to be able to be of great service to my Brother.

3 The reference is to the things listed in the letter of August 15, 1712, which cost L3. 10. 3. Emanuel seems, however, to have confused the Philosophical Transactions with the Mis. Curiosa, which was also in three volumes, at thirteen shillings. The former work (Lowth's Abridgment in 3 vols.) was to have cost fifty shillings. See p. 41 and note 8, and p. 42.

Think of it, I have been confined with a touch of ague, from which I am suffering.

Hken, who went up to become a master [printer], could do wood engraving, and that would be needed. I remain

humble servant

Eman: Swedberg

P.S. I am sorry for Professor Vallerius's death. I wish luck and prosperity to Juniori4 and also to his Successori in adjuncturen [the adjunctship], whoever he may be. By the next post, I will give a specification of the books that were sold; I have already made inquiries about them.

4 i.e., to the professor's son John, who, four years previously, had been nominated by Charles XII to succeed his father. Previous to the latter's death, he had been Adjunct in Mathematics.

From the letter by Benzelius which next follows, it would seem that, a few days after March 19, Emanuel sent another letter to his brother-in-law which is now lost. There he dwelt further on the desirability of establishing a professorship of mechanics.

He asked who will succeed to the Skyttian professorship5 which would soon be vacant owing to the retirement of Professor Upmark who was soon to become the censor of books. He also inquired as to whether anything had been done in regard to establishing an observatory in Upsala. Then, turning his attention to the next issue of Daedalus, he suggested the advisability of an article describing an ingenious tap invented by Polhem, to be used on beer barrels, and asked whether one of the professors would examine this tap and make an engraving to accompany the article. The virtues of the tap itself consisted in its checking "the desire of certain maid- and menservants who, when occasion offers, often draw off on the side, for the advantage of themselves and their friends, as much as for that of their mistress, making themselves happy and jolly at their master's expense." The tap cleverly stops all this; "for when the mistress wants to give her key into the hands of the cellar-man, she can he sure and certain that no water runs by the side of the mill; and should it be otherwise, the barrel would at once bear witness of it."6

5 The Skyttian professorship was endowed by Johan Bengtson Skytte in 1637 for the teaching of eloquence, politics and poetry.

6 These words are quoted from a much later issue of the Daedalus (namely, No. V), in which the article appeared together with an illustration of the tap itself. But Emanuel had written the article with a view to its appearing in No. III.

Benzelius's answer is dated APRIL 2, 1716:

My highly honored d: Brother:

Now at last my Brother's Daedalus secundus [n. II] is ready,1 and it would seem it ought to have been, since it is not more than two arks.2 Herr Polhammar's meditata on the swinging of a bullet under water, together with the application thereof to the course of the planets, I had to leave out at his request by letter, and if it would please my brother to give him a copy of it, he will have the opportunity of giving better grounds therefor, and of changing whatever he pleases, or of adding.

He begs that whenever any of his raisonements [reasonings] comes to be inserted, he may first have knowledge thereof in order that nothing may come out which is not thoroughly mature. I shall send his letter to my Brother, together with the copy of Daedalus which will be sent the day after tomorrow to Stockholm to Magister Norborg,3 who is going down to Brunsbo next week; of the rest [some] will be sent to the Bookseller in Stockholm, some will be left with the Bookbinder here, and the rest remain here to my Brother's order. Of the impressions of the Blanckstt copperplate,4 100 copies have arrived. The next time the price must be set on the title-page, for Waxmutho's bibliopegum Upsaliensis [Upsala bindery] raises the price too high so that they have no sale.

1 i.e., it was in print; for the copperplate and the woodcut of the compound interest triangle, while finished, had yet to be printed and inserted; see p. 98.

2 An ark was 8 pages. Thus, Daedalus No. II contained 16 pp., as compared with the 24 pages of No. I. This was due partly to the omission, at Polhem's request, of the article On the Causes of Things, which would have filled three pages; and partly to Vallerius' neglect to translate into Swedish the whole of the MS. sent him by Swedberg, which would have filled three more pages, making the total pages of No. II of the Daedalus, 22.

3 The reference is to Olof Nordberg (1681-1745), probably colloquially pronounced Norborg. Nordberg, who had been a student at Upsala during Emanuel's days there, was ordained in 1710 by Bishop Swedberg who then appointed him to the Swedish Church in London where Emanuel had again met him. The Swedes in London were then worshipping in a Baptist building on Ratcliffe Highway (see p. 11 note), but were desirous of having a church of their own. After many efforts in this direction, they finally sent Nordberg to Sweden to solicit funds. Here, in the spring of 1715, he visited Bishop Swedberg at Brunsbo, when Emanuel once more met him. In the Fall, he met Charles XII in Stralsund, when he was favorably received. Since then he had visited various cities in Sweden collecting money for the church in London. He arrived in Stockholm at the end of February, 1716 and from there intended again to visit his bishop in Brunsbo (Carlson, Sv. Kyrkan i London, p. 15 seq.).

4 Namely, the copperplate engraving of the hoisting machine invented by Polhem. The printing of the engraving was done in Stockholm. See p. 77, note 14.

As regards the observatorium, this has so far progressed that the Herr Provincial Governor5 has now promised to recommend to his Majesty that the best round tower of the castle shall be repaired for it. There are enough bricks to be taken from the ruins. Rafters and other woodwork can be obtained from the provincial forests. For the repairing, I have found the means in the ground here, namely, the long cast-iron pipes which served for the conveyance of water from the mill to the castle, and which are now left and being ruined.

There are also some fine metal pipes which are of considerable value, and could be used for this purpose. The former have been sold to the Wattholma works,6 and the latter to the cannon foundry in Stockholm.

5 Per Ribbing (1670-1719), one of the most influential statesmen of the time. He died soon after his election by the Diet to the office of Marshal (or premier) of the kingdom.

6 Vattholm is a town some fifteen miles north of Upsala where was an iron foundry. The sale of the iron here referred to had been approved by Charles XII, on the recommendation of the Governor of Upsala Province, Per Ribbing, but all the Pipes had not been dug up; for in 1725 Benzelius addressed a Memorial to the Kanslikollegium proposing the sale of the remaining pipes for the building of an observatory in Upsala (Hildebrand, p. 109). The sale was approved but not for the observatory (ib. III) which latter was not authorized until 1739 (Frssell, p. 188).

To begin with, they will get the instruments, as many as we have, from the library. For the rest and the yearly supplies, I have thought they could be drawn from a monopolio [monopoly] in almanacs, namely, that only one person shall write them, since Professor Krok is now dead and Professor John Vallerius gets the full salary of a professor and ought not to give out that he does it because of poverty.7 Since an almanac sells for 12 copper coins, this will mean 1 mark in avance [above cost] on each copy, and on 7 to 8000 copies that brings in a considerable sum.8

7 The writing and publication of almanacs supplied a very wide need, when there were so many church festivals which it was incumbent on the people to attend. It was therefore a profitable undertaking and sometimes two or even three professors would each issue one. John Vallerius had published even an almanac for several years past to earn an addition to his salary as adjunct
professor of mathematics, but now, since his father's death in March, he had become a full professor.

8 1 mark was a quarter of a daler or 8 copper coins (res). The cost of 1000 bound almanacs was 100 dalers or 3.2 re a piece (Hildebrand, K. V. A. Frhist., p. 110).

As to the salary professoris Mechanices [of a professor of mechanics], I know nothing better than that Herr Polhammar become ordinarius assessor collegii Commerciorum [of the College of Commerce], and my Brother become Directeur9 in his place, and the Laboratorium mechanicum be brought here to Upsala. The rank of the Directeur can then be made equal to that of a Professorem. Le reste [all else] is, in my opinion, a chimere; for it devolves on the Geometriae Professor ordinarius [the ordinary professor of geometry] to lecture also chaniquen, and moreover, he has so lectured.

Furthermore, there is a fine laid down by his Royal Majesty when our ordinarie staat [expenditure] was established, that none shall request a change therein under a penalty of 1000 dalers silvermint. I wish that my Brother would come here, so that we could conferera orally.

9 i.e., Director of the Mechanical Laboratory, established in Stockholm by Charles XI. Benzelius seems not to have known that Polhem was already a counsellor in the College of Commerce, having been raised from assessorship in 1716 (Almquist, Kom. Kol., p. 586).

Dr. Bromell10 promises for the future to send something better to be inserted in the Daedalus; he is now occupied with an anatomia corporis humani [anatomy of the human body].

10 Magnus von Bromell (1679-1731), a Swedish physician who in 1716 became an assessor of the College of Medicine, and in 1724 its president. His main interest, however, was in the study of coins, of which he inherited a valuable collection, and in the investigation into natural objects. At the time when Benzelius wrote, Dr. Bromell was adjunct professor of medicine in Upsala; but he left for Stockholm a little later.

The cameram obscuram, Magister Norborg has with him.

When the wood engraving is printed tomorrow, namely, the triangle for the reckoning of interesse, I shall be present so that the typographi shall not have any profit, if they put aside some copies for their own account.

Be so kind as to inquire about Theophrastus, and leave the money with d. Father.

P.S. As concerns Professionem Schyttianam [the Skyttian professorship], nothing is heard of it as yet. When it becomes vacant, General Major Count Gyllenstierna,11 ut ekgonos [Greek phrase] Schyttii [as the descendant of Skyttius], has the jus Patronatus [right of appointment].

In case Herr Dr. Roberg should indeed make a drawing of Herr Polhammar's tap--but then he must open it up, and there is no one here who will let his be spoiled.11a

11 Major General Nils Goranson Gyllenstierna (1670-1731) was grandson of Anna Skytte, the daughter of the founder, Bengt Skytte. The latter, a chancellor of the University, founded the Skyttian Professorship of Poetry and Eloquence in 1662, with the right of appointment vested in his lineal descendants.

11a Emanuel himself later secured one of these taps, and he describes it in Daedalus no. V. (see p. 144-5)

The letter is unsigned, or, what is more probable in view of Benzelius's orderly habits, the page containing the signature has been lost.

Immediately on the receipt of Benzelius's letter, telling him that No. II of the Daedalus was in print, Emanuel wrote to Werner, the Stockholm publisher, enclosing copy for an announcement to be inserted in the Stockholm weekly paper.

Meanwhile he had been working on No. III of the Daedalus, which was to be filled by descriptions (1) of a method invented by Polhem, whereby accurately to measure the scale beam or steelyard; and (2) of an invention by Emanuel himself, of an air pump to be worked by water or mercury.12

12 See The Mechanical Inventions of Emanuel Swedenborg, p. 13 seq.

But while engaged on literary work on the Daedalus, having in view the introduction and improvement of instruments which could be turned to Practical use, Emanuel was keenly alert to the discovery of everything that might redound to the improvement and progress of Swedish manufacture and trade. In his walks in the neighborhood of Brunsbo, he examined the rocks, the springs, the soil, etc., and did not hesitate to make inquiries of the peasants. Thus, a short distance from his father's home, he found three springs, one supplying a stream of sweet water and the others streams of different kinds of mineral water. He notes the color of the mud over which the two latter streams run, and observes that the mud of one of the streams is used by the peasants to produce a fine black dye which was superior to the black dyes then in use, in that it was fast. He also notes the apparent existence of a silver deposit on some of the stones of one of the streams; and in a near-by marsh, he observes that the lowest strata consists of sand suitable for glassmaking.13

13 These Observations were written down in a short article entitled On Certain Kinds of Soil and Mud, doubtless intended for the Daedalus (see Sc. and Phl. Treat., S.S.A., 1908, I, pp. 67-68). The writing of this Memorandum must be ascribed to the spring of 1716--the time of the present letters.

In another place he observes a peculiar kind of white clay which he imagines is of the same nature as that used by the English for the making of crockery and clay pipes--and ii such should prove to be the case, he at once envisages its commercial value, especially at this time when articles for export were so greatly needed to maintain a favorable balance of trade.

Benzelius's letter of April second was answered very soon after its receipt, in an undated letter sent from Brunsbo about APRIL 7TH OR 8TH, enclosing the copy for No. III of the Daedalus, some drawings illustrating Polhem's method of making the divisions on the scale beam, and a proof of the engravings of the air pump.

Highly honored d: Brother:

With pleasure I received by the last post d. Brother's letter wherein is so much that delecterar [delights] both me en privat [individually], and, en general [generally] all those who have love for Studier. That d. Brother has hit upon a subterranean treasure for a fund observatorii [for an observatory] is a proposition that can delight one, apart from its use. I wished that when it is forwarded to his Majesty that after it has gained his consent and authorization, it would be well if it then had a model of the observatorier in foreign lands, having a large platform above, and perhaps a small one running in a circle lower down; sed de his alias [but of this at another time]. If this goes further than a proposition, the publicum would have both to thank and to love my Brother for it.

I have lately finished writing what I intended for the month of June or July. It comprises merely the division of the scale yard and a description of my Antlea Pneumatica [air pump]. I hope this [number] will be more enjoyable than the former, since I had more time and quiet to work it out in better fashion. It is referred to Professor Vallerius, if he be so pleased, to give his critiquer [criticisms] thereon--the more the better. And if my Brother will be pleased to then comply with my request, I would wish that it then be sent by the next post to Stiernsund, post conto [post paid], being charged to my account, in order that I may be able to make arrangements so that what has been drawn may be properly done in copper. I use no algebra therein since notae algebraicae [algebraic signs] are not now available, yet by its means, I have worked out proportioner [the proportions], and the like.

I do not know whether Doctor Roberg can be induced to set it up in copper. The Antlean [air pump] is already done as can be seen. Aveln1 makes very poor letters and numbers2 of which there are a great many. The whole of the cost which is otherwise given to Aveln, I will also give in Upsala, since it will probably come out more beautifully.

1 A Stockholm engraver; see p. 86, note 9. Jan van Aveelen had been a good engraver, but in 1716 he was an old man (Wrangel 7).

2 This is borne out by an examination of Aveln's plates, where letters are omitted, misplaced, and, in many cases are all but illegible.

As regards the other proposition, I had indeed thought exercera [to exercise] in this way my Brother's imagination and prudence to give me another that was more plausiblet.

Yet the greatest obstaclen [obstacles] are: 1. That there is no opening in the commerce collegio [College of Commerce] for any ordinarium [ordinary assessor]. 2. To be able to get Assessor Plhammar to give up his office2a with this object in view; I myself cannot mention the matter for that would be viewed unfavorably. But otherwise, if his approval could in any way be got, I will then spare no trouble and means to obtinera it. In this matter, I rely mostly on my Brother who hitherto has shown me so much goodness, and who seeks to continue to do so.

2a Namely, his office of Director of the Mechanical Laboratory; see p. 71.

I thank my Brother who has had the trouble of the publication. I would like to know whether Brother received what S. Hkan took with him of Palhammar's work.3 I have thought to take charge of it according to my promise. That the experiment on the swinging [of a ball] in water is withdrawn is very agreeable to, me, especially since I was altogether too hasty with the whole of the last number; yet, I hope to have made an improvement in that which is now transmitted.

3 Namely, the first part of Polhem's Second Foundation of Wisdom which Swedberg had prepared for the press. See p. 80.

Of Theophrastus, I have heard that the widow4 says they were not entered in the late Kelberg's* book, but she has 14 exemplar [copies] left. Thus it seems that 12 have been sold. The money for these is in her possession, subject to my Brother's ordres, but she wishes to see Kelberg's revers [receipt] in order to see whether there were so many. As soon as this is shown, the payment for the sold copies will be put in d: Father's hands.

4 The widow Kjellberg; see p. 92, note 8.

* Kjelberg died in 1715.

For the rest, I remember that which I forgot to restituera to my Brother (30 silver coins) for the copper pltar5 which I exchanged in Upsala, whereby my Brother must have lost since the rise in value. I have made arrangements with Brother Lars6 that they be exchanged, with whom I have deponeradt some little sum in silver mint.

For the rest, the other obligationer for which I am indebted to my Brother shall be remembered in good time with the utmost thanks.

5 Pltar. These were square plates of copper arbitrarily stamped as of the value of six daler silvermint, which the citizens were obliged by ordinance to accept at their stamped value. On March 1, 1718, the stamped value was reduced to 6 daler and all other coins were devalued in like measure (Stiernstedt 229). The object was to confiscate the copper pltar; for announcement was made that those who brought their pltar to the Bank would receive their full value in token coins or paper money (ibid., 231). When it was found that few coins were turned in for restamping, it was decreed that after a certain date all coins not restamped would be forfeited to the King "wherever found" (ibid., 235). By 1715, however, the copper itself became worth more than its stamped value, with the result that the pltar were exported. This led Charles XII to raise the stamped value to 9 daler silvermint (Fryxell, 26, p. 130). Swedberg was last in Upsala in November 1715, and it would seem that he then exchanged 30 silver dalers, apparently borrowed from Benzelius, for 5 pltar stamped "6 daler silvermint," which shortly afterwards became worth 9 d. s. m. He now proposes to exchange his own silver coins for platar, in order to reimburse Benzelius.

6 Lars Benzelius (1680-1755), a younger brother of Erik, and Swedberg's brother-in-law. He was at this time the manager of the Starbo property.

The enclosed7 is once more recommenderas [sent off] to Ass: Plhammar by the next post, so that the drawing might come back to my Brother's hands; for I will make arrangements in Stockholm if it is not possible for it to get into copper in Upsala--which should be done in time.

7 Presumably the five figures which were to illustrate the article on the scale beam.

In avisen [the gazette] there was something concerning a new method of reckoning from Carolin dalers into dalers, etc.; I hope that Werner in Stockholm has not afcopieradt and publiceradt mine. That could probably be sold for half a daler Kop: in Upsala and in Stockholm.

I remain, d: and highly honored Brother's

true servant

Eman. Swedberg

P.S. I shall probably not be able to go to Upsala for some time now, as I intend to remain here till something opens up for me; for I am nearer for the forwarding of it to the proper quarter; also I have a little poetiskt work under print here in Skara.8

8 Namely, Ludus Heliconius. This was the same work that Swedberg had published in Greifswalde in 1715, but with the addition of several new poems.

For the rest, I would like to be informerad by Doct: Bromell or Roberg concerning the clay of which they in Holland and England make their crockery and tobacco pipes, and how the pipes are afterwards praepareras in the sun and in the oven. Here in Westergyln9 is found a white clay which I subsonerar [suspect] to be of the same kind. Should that be the case, it would be worth many thousand Riksdalers; but silence with regard to this. N.B.

9 A colloquial form of the word Westergttland (West Gothland).

P.S. I am now making arrangements for Werner in Stockholm that notificeras i avisen [a notice be put in the gazette] concerning the Daedalus Hyperboreus, as follows:

For the month of April, the second Part of Daedalus Hyperboreus has come out, containing a description of Ass: Plhammar's Blancksttz machine with the copperplate pertaining thereto; also a handy method of reckoning compound interest; and, likewise, of Carolin dalers, after the rise in value, into whatever kind of coinage one desires. There are also other curious experiments and investigations written up by Eman: S. It is sold at the booksellers Messrs. Long and Rger in Stockholm and in Upsala.10 If anything is to be changed in this, Brother Gustaf should have part [information] thereof.

10 This notice duly appeared in the Ordinaire Stockholmiska Post Tidender of April 24, 1716.

D: Father got from my [account] what is now forwarded on.11

11 From Swedberg's next letter to Benzelius, it would seem that these words refer to money sent to Upsala for safe keeping during the troublous days of war with Norway. The meaning of the rest of the paragraph is not clear. The text of the whole paragraph reads: K: far fick uti mitt som nu fwerskickas, och satt sig til at retta efter sinB. The last word is not legible.

At the end of February 1716, Charles XII had crossed the Norwegian boundary, and from then until August was engaged in fighting the Norwegians in the neighborhood of Fredricshall. Meanwhile, Sweden was feeling more and more the calamities entailed by the continuous wars waged by her king. Indeed, at this day, it is almost impossible to imagine how the country survived the never ceasing conscription of men and money. It was under such circumstances that Emanuel, disappointed in his expectation of accompanying Polhem in a visit to the King in Ystad, had been led to make his fruitless suggestions to Benzelius, looking to his employment at Upsala as professor of mechanics.

What then was to be done? His hopes of meeting the King and of thereby receiving some advantage for himself were frustrated, for the present at any rate, and his suggestion as to a professorship in a subject for which he felt himself so well fitted, was utterly discouraged. He was now twenty-eight years old, of genius and learning, full of ambition to fill some place of use to his fatherland,--but a man without an occupation.

It was with this thought in mind that on April 25th, 1716, when at Wennersborg, a town in the diocese of Skara, Bishop Swedberg addressed a letter to the King, asking for the ennoblement of his sons Emanuel and Eliezer and Jesper, and of his two sons-in-law.12

12 For his sons-in-law, Lars Benzelius and Capt. Lundstedt, he had already made a similar request in February 1715, when the King was besieged in Stralsund, but no notice was taken of it (3 Doc. 1331-2).

There was more in this request than a mere desire for a noble title; indeed, ennoblement of all the sons and sons-in-law of bishops was the customary and expected thing; but nobility was also the only road to preferment, save in the church, for none but a nobleman could become assessor in any of the Colleges, or could hold any but the lowest positions in the government. Whether the King ever received Bishop Swedberg's letter is not known. He was probably too busy fighting the enemy on a foreign soil to occupy himself with such petitions, nor did he reach Wennersborg until July after he had given up, for a time, the war with Norway.

Meanwhile, Emanuel was occupied with writing for No. IV of the Daedalus, and with occasional trips in the neighborhood. In the beginning of June, on his return from one of these excursions, he found awaiting him at Brunsbo a letter from his brother-in-law. In this letter, Benzelius informs him that he was sending him fifty copies of Daedalus No, II (April issue) which had at last come out. He suggests that, to save expense, No. III be printed without a separate title-page, the title to be printed at the head of the first article. He assures Emanuel that he is taking good care of the sum of money entrusted to his safe-keeping. As to the proposed Observatory, he notes that the mathematical professors are opposed to the undertaking. Finally, he asks whether something cannot be done for the Esberg boys.13

13 These were Eric, a nephew of Eric Benzelius, as noted above in the letter of February 14 (p. 85), and his younger brother, Carl Henry Esberg (1700-1789) who pursued the law and eventually became vice-president in the Stockholm Court of Appeals. Both brothers were ennobled under the name Bergenskld (Anrep. ttar-Tapor, s.v. Bergenskld).

A few days after reading the above letter from his brother-in-law, Emanuel received a somewhat pessimistic letter from Polhem, in which, among other things, the writer stated that he would not be able to return to Karlscrona as early as he had expected, since he had been detained in Stockholm. This was disappointing to Emanuel, seeing that he had expected to accompany Polhem as his assistant in the building, for the Admiralty, of a mill dam at Lyckeby near Karlscrona which Polhem had commenced in the preceding March; and also in making a preliminary survey with regard to the building of a dry dock at Karlscrona;14 yet, Polhem's letter led him to hope that the journey was only postponed for a week or two.

14 Bring, Chris. Polhem., p. 51.

Still it was in no very cheerful mood that he answered Benzelius in a letter written on JUNE 12th:

Highly honored d. Brother:

On arriving home from a little pleasure trip here in Vestergyln, I received my d: Brother's welcome letter from Upsala. I thank my Brother who was so good as to take the trouble to send me fifty copies of Daedalus II. They arrived here yesterday. I received ten copperplates from Stockholm; I ought to get the rest as occasion offers.l

1 The Daedalus was printed in Upsala, but the plate of Polhem's hoisting machine which was to accompany it, was printed in Stockholm.

In the next number, the title-page could be dispensed with and [the title] be set over the materien [text] itself,2 as my Brother was pleased to mention; so also at the end of the year, or in the number which will presumably come out in October. This, moreover, according to plan,3 ought to be dediceras to his Majesty, if consent be forthcoming. Perhaps one will then have many Potentater [Potentates] in the country, and more than Sweden can stand.4 It seems to me that Svecia [Sweden] is now laid low, soon to come in agone [to her last agony], when she will probably kick for the last time. Probably many desire that the torment may be short and we be delivered; yet we have hardly anything better to expect si Spiritus Illum maneat.5

2 This was actually done in Nos. III, IV, and VI. No. V was a more ambitious issue, since it was published under the auspices of Charles XII.

3 See p 72.

4 A reference to the Danes and Russians who were then planning to invade Southern Sweden.

5 If the Spirit awaits him, i.e., Charles XII; that is, if the Spirit calls him; if he dies.

I thank my Brother for the favor of holding in his custody that little sum. I have thought that the whole world would be filled with counters.6 Therefore, I wish to provide mine with a good hiding place and guardianship with my Brother.

6 Namely, counters such as are used in card playing, in contrast with real money. Emanuel probably had in mind paper money which was being printed by the government.

Plhammar is not coming down as yet, as I note from his letter by the last post. He thinks that all good plans and inventions come to nothing.

In July should be the termin [time] for Daedalus III. I know not whether I am abusing my Brother's goodness by relying [on him] for this number as for the former. Brother Gustaf will probably have the goodness to have the plate copied off [i.e., engraved] which is to be printed whole, and kept so, though half a quarto sheet alone will come to be used.7 It would be well that it first be changed, at least, that the letters be added which are inserted in the first copy I sent. If Doctor Roberg could be brought to continuera his former speculation8 according to the promise contained therein, it would be fine, as all that is contained therein is both enjoyable and useful.

7 The meaning is that the plate was not to be divided, although it would fill two quarto pages like those of the Daedalus; and that when printed, it was not to be a folded sheet, but was to appear as a whole on two pages facing each other. This direction was followed in Daedalus, No. IV. Daedalus Hyperboreus III has two plates, one being that which is described in the footnote and the other a double plate folded. The latter contains two illustrations: 1. A gun that can fire many bullets at the same time. 2. Swedenborg's air pump; see D. 99. The latter illustrates an article that is printed in Daed. Hyper, III, but that number has nothing to say about a machine to fire many bullets; this was evidently reserved for a future issue (though it never appeared), but the plate for it was engraved together with the air pumps. It would seem, therefore, that the meaning of the words in the text is that while the plate was to contain two illustrations, only one was to be used in Daed. III. The fact that both were included was due to the printer's error.

8 Namely, his article on the production of salt from sea water which appeared in Daedalus No. II, ending with the words "This on request, for this time."

I should indeed myself be in Upsala, but one now knows not what place one is safest in, and then it is my object to spare all expense on my own account until I get an opening to seek my fortune, when the same depencer [expenses] might make my greatest fortune if they be used.

I am surprised at the Herr Mathematicos [Mathematicians] who have lost all their force and driving power to bring to actuality so fine a dessein as that which my Brother has advised them of, concerning the building of an Observatorii Astron. With Mathematicis [mathematicians], it is their fatum [fate] that they remain mostly in Theorien. I have thought it to be a profitable thing if ten Mathemetici had one strong Practicum [practical man] who could bring the others to market; the one could thus acquire more renown and useful works than all the ten.

If in this matter I could be of use in any way, to carry out the dessein, I would gladly undertake the trouble.

For the Esbergs, I have seized an occasion to talk to d: Father in their behalf, but in view of the relationship, he seeks every subterfuge; for should a suspicion arise that an office is given those within the family,9 or because of family, he thinks it would probably be taken back again.

Yet, I think he can be brought to it more and more. I shall not omit to solicit him thereon from time to time.

9 Bishop Swedberg's oldest daughter Anna, by her marriage with Eric Benzelius, became the Esberg boys' aunt (see p. 85). Their father had died in 1708, just after his appointment as bishop of Vexi.

If occasion offers, volume I of Sturm's Mathesi Juvenili ought to be taken out10 and sent to Magister Rhyzelius in Stockholm; I have his copy down here; he very frequently asks me for it.

10 It would appear that Swedberg owned both volumes I and II of this work which he had left at Upsala.

Will no one take it on him to finance Plhammar's wishetz andra grundwal? Perhaps sviten [the continuation] will be entirely too burdensome for me; yet I think that the outcome will probably pay for the work. If there is no one, I must be a promise-keeper and do it from my own purse. See p. 80.

By the little Camera obscura which my Brother had the goodness to send me, I have already learned the drawing of perspective, to my pleasure. I have exercitium [practice] from churches, houses, etc.; were I up at the works in Fhalun or elsewhere, I would draw them as well as any one, ope hujus instrument [by the help of this instrument].

Sister Caisa11 has increased the world and also the family. She had a little daughter, of whose baptism the day before yesterday I was a witness.

11 Catharine, who married Bishop Swedberg's curate, Jonas Unge.

To sister Anna and little brother Eric are sent a thousandfold greetings.

Remaining, highly honored d: Brother's

truest brother and servant,

Eman: Swedberg

Brunsbo: 1716
Promotion day.12

12 June 12.

After writing the above, Emanuel, doubtless discouraged by Polhem's letter, appears to have entirely given up all idea of accompanying Polhem to Karlkrona. Consequently, he continued to devote his attention to preparing articles for No. IV of the Daedalus.

The basis of the first and longest of these articles was one of those numerous Polhem papers which Emanuel had secured from Eric Benzelius during his visit in Upsala in the fall of 1715. It consisted of a Latin essay on the "Resistance of Mediums" which had been read before the Collegium Curiosorum in June 1711.* Emanuel not only translated this into Swedish but also added mathematical calculations and also, as it appears, some alterations.13 Moreover, he also changed the title of the article to "The Resistance of the Air to falling Bodies and Areas."

* Daedalus Hyperboreus (facsimile ed.), Introd., p. 65. Polhem had written the article in Swedish, but about 1714 it had been translated into Latin, by Prof. Vallerius for insertion in the learned journal then contemplated by the Collegium Curiosorum (ib. p. 22).

13 See Polhem's letter of September 5, p. 114.

The second of the articles was an original work, being the writing out for the first time of that solution to the problem of finding the Longitude by sea, which had occupied his mind ever since 1711 when in August of that year he wrote to his brother-in-law that he had "thought up a method which is infallible, by means of the moon"--a method of which he was sure that it was "the best that can be given." He had intended publishing this Method in London, but, besides finding little encouragement there, he deemed it necessary to wait for some lunar tables that had been promised him by Flamsteed. Doubtless for similar reasons, he was restrained from printing his Method in Paris in 1713, though it was his wish to do so; and in Restock in 1714 it still existed only on "small slips" of paper. And now, in June 1716, he at last prepares it for the Daedalus, in order "to submit it in all humility to the judgment of the learned."14 Though certain of the correctness of his Method, he frankly acknowledges that it cannot be applied in the absence of Flamsteed's lunar tables. "Before one can put our invention into practice (to quote from the end of his article), one must have accurate and sufficient tables of the longitudes, latitudes, right ascensions and declinations of all the stars. One awaits these from the learned and experienced Flamsteed in England, who for the last four years has had this matter in hand, and perhaps has now brought it to light, though it has not yet come into our hands."15

14 Daedalus Hyperboreus IV, p. 88.

15 Ibid., p. 99. At the time of his death in 1719, Flamsteed was superintending the publication of his Historia Coelestis, but the publication was not completed until four years later. See p. 32, note 11.

It was about this time that Emanuel's younger brother Eliezer died in his twenty-sixth year.16 The date of his death is not known, but it was probably in the middle of June, for on April 26, 1716, Bishop Swedberg petitions the King to ennoble his sons, including Eliezer, and on June 12, Emanuel, writing to Benzelius, makes no mention of his brother's death, while in his letter of June 26, he speaks of "brother Eliezer's widow."* Eliezer had devoted himself to the science of mining,17 and he and his wife were probably living on one of the family's mining properties; he was certainly not connected with the College of Mines, as his name does not appear in their lists. The fact that Emanuel's letters, as now preserved, contain no direct reference to this death, would indicate the existence of a letter now lost, informing Benzelius and his wife, Eliezer's sister, of the death of her brother.

16 In his Autobiography, Bishop Swedberg says that Eliezar died in his twenty-fifth year (Swedberg, Lefv. Beskrif., p. 246), but this is clearly an error. Eliezer was born September first, 1689. Eliezer would have been twenty-seven in September.

* Since the first husband of Eliezer's wife died in 1714, therefore his widow Elizabeth married Eliezer probably in 1715 or more likely 1716, perhaps shortly before Eliezer's death. See p. 110n.

17 3 Doc. 1332.

Two weeks after his letter of June 12, Emanuel again wrote to his brother-in-law, in a letter dated BRUNSBO, JUNE 26, 1716:

Highly honored D. Brother:

I sent my last enclosed in d: Father's, for I had thought at that time to be on the journey down to Carlscrona; but since the Assessor has postponed the journey, and I now find myself little disposed thereto, for me it is little likely to come off. Meanwhile, I am continuing to work on what I intend for the last [issue] for this year, which I will get finished this week, namely, Plhammar's thoughts of the resistentia mediorum which before was set forth in Latin. I have had care and trouble enough with it, to put it in a shape such as I think will be agreeable to the Assess: and will please the learned; likewise my method of finding longitudinem locorum, of which I am assured that it is certain and sure; I will get to hear what the learned judge of it. I bought in Stockholm a plan by a Venetian, Doroth: Alimari1 on a new method of finding longitudinem which is mere speculation and nothing more. The difficulty of putting it into practice is over one's head. By the next post, I will likely send it over together with something additional2 which is to be a part of the last [installment].

2 Probably the mathematical calculations in connection with the article on the air pump, which was to appear in No. III of the Daedalus.

At the end of the week, we expect Brother Lars and Sister Hedwig2a here and Herr brother Eliezer's widow;3 we think they are taking the road today.

2a Lars Benzelius (1680-1755), the brother of Eric, married Swedberg's sister Hedwig (1690-1728) in 1714. At the time of the text he was mining master for the Eastern and Western mining districts, and made his home at Starbo, one of the properties left to the Swedberg children by their mother, Sarah Behm Swedberg.

3 Probably to attend Eliezer's funeral. Eliezer's wife, Elizabeth Brink (1684-1745), who was five years his senior, had previously been married to the mine owner Georg Brandt. (Jurgen Brandt was a mine owner in Skinnskatteberg. He died in 1714 (Bengt Hildebrand, Index)). Her third husband was Anders Swab, Swedberg's stepbrother (see p. 71, note 7), whom she married on June 7, 1717. Four years after his death, she married Johan Bergenstierna (1668-1748), one of Swedberg's fellow assessors in the College of Mines, with whom he frequently served on special commissions. In the August following Eliezer's death, Bishop Swedberg sold her his paternal inheritance "Sweden," and two and a half months later she sold it to Dr. Moraeus, the future father-in-law of Linnaeus.

Otherwise, nothing else has happened except that the Gothenburgians are ennobled4 as were the Stralsundians olim [of old]. God forbid that they do not have a like fatuun in other respects. They will now have Presidenter [presidents] burggraves over them instead of burgomasters. Yet one knows not how sweet that will taste to them, since they must first pay for it with the building, outfitting, etc., of three ships of the line. My earnest greetings to Sister Anna. I remain

highly honored d: Brother's

truest Brother and Servant

Eman: Swedberg.
Brunsbo 1716: 26 June

4 By a Royal Warrant dated May 23, 1716, the city of Gothenburg was given special privileges, in the matter both of manufacture and foreign trade, together with the right to establish a mint (Nordberg II, 569-74). To express their gratitude they were to man, provision, and maintain three ships of the line at a total cost of 660,000 dal. s.m. On Aug. 20, however, the King removed this condition, since the city could not possibly pay so large a sum (Berg, Samlung, II, 204 seq.). In June, 1719, after the death of Charles XII, the privileges were entirely withdrawn by the Diet (Alin Goteborgs Hist., p. 82).

During the days that followed, Emanuel continued preparing the material for No. IV of the Daedalus. This was now to include a sketch of that flying machine of which he had written to Benzelius from Rostock, and also an account of some experiments which he and his cousin, Doctor Hesselius, had made during the preceding winter as to the course of a recocheting bullet shot over an icy field covered with a deep layer of snow.

With the material for Daedalus no. IV well in hand, Emanuel wrote to his brother-in-law early in August. announcing his intention of leaving for Upsala on September 10 or 12, to take upon himself the care of printing no. IV of the Daedalus, nos. II and III of which had been under the charge of Benzelius. This letter he sent by Benzelius's younger brother Olof, who had apparently been visiting at Brunsbo.

He also sent to Stockholm, either direct or through Benzelius, the advertisement of Daedalus no. III. This advertisement was duly published in the Stockholm Tidender for September 4, giving the contents of the journal, and announcing its sale "with the booksellers on Nygatan."

A little later he received a letter from Polhem expressing the desire that the Daedalus should contain "such matter as will be of use to the public, such as water and wind machines, mills, etc." Emanuel welcomed the suggestion which, indeed, was in line with his own policy in writing the past numbers of the Daedalus. This turned his mind to the contents of Daedalus no. V, and he contemplated as the leading article for this issue a description of the ingenious tap invented by Polhem, of which he had previously written to his brother-in-law.5

5 See pp. 95, 98.

About the same date that Polhem wrote, Emanuel had written to Polhem (so that the letters crossed), enclosing the articles on the Resistance, the Flying Machine, and the Longitude which he had prepared for no. IV of the Daedalus, suggesting that, as he proposed leaving for Upsala, he might visit Polhem in his home at Stiernsund which lay on his way.

About September first, a letter arrived from Eric Benzelius, giving Emanuel the happy news that no. III of the Daedalus had now appeared.

It was in reply to this letter that Emanuel wrote to his brother-in-law from BRUNSBO an undated letter marked by Benzelius "anno 1716 Sept. 4."

Highly honored D. Brother:

I last wrote by d: Brother Olaus that I intended to be in Upsala the 10th or 12th inst; but because of one hindrance or another, I am not likely to arrive before the 18th or 20th.

It much pleases me that Daedalus III has come out; I thank my Brother who has had so much trouble and care therewith; when I am present I will render many expressions of thanks.

I am already thinking of the subjects for Daedalus V. I think it best if I were: 1. to seek to furnish Assessor Plhammar's ingenious tap1 with a satisfactory Physical and Algebraic description. 2. Also, to make an addition to the description of his Blanckstt machine since this is a piece of work which demands greater accuratesse, consideration, and critical examination than has been given it. 3. Also, some of Professor Elfvius's Ecclipses Observatae should perhaps find a place there, whereby also the longifudo Upsolensis is sought out at the same time. If my Brother would honor the little work with Stiernhielmi vita2 or something else of his own in historia literaria, I know that our [Daedalus] will thereby become delightful, for thus tristia [the serious] would be diluted with laetioribus [the more pleasing]; and I know that it will win the liking and pleasure of many, since orbis and patria literata [the literary world and fatherland] will soon acknowledge my Brother as its best membrum. Therefore, I hope this honor will not be refused. God grant d: Brother a long life, though I fear that his studies are likely to deprive us of that advantage, and to shorten it, my d: Brother; as I know no one who is more ungrudging of studies than d: Brother, yet there is none who is less ungrudging of himself.

Si omnes eruditiores et musae supplicant, ut Tibimet et in Te illis parcas, sacrare se studiis est omni laude dignius, sed non usque ad aram;3 one can become a premature victima [sacrificial offering] soon enough. Ignosce querenti, literae Tuae, mi Frater! ad Parentem in causa sunt;4 My little Mathesis5 and Daedalus will long be under my Brother's auspicio.

1 See pp. 95 and 98.

2 The Dalecarlian, Georg Stiernhielm (1598-1672), whose life Benzelius is here asked to write, was a man of universal genius--antiquarian, naturalist, lawyer, mathematician, philosopher, and poet. He is best known, however, as the "father of Swedish poetry," being distinguished by his ability to turn "the then hard Swedish language into a pleasing clothing for his poetic thoughts. He was the first Swede who opposed the practice indulged in by the learned, of interlarding their writings with foreign words (Fryxell, 14: p 80 seq.).

3 If all the learned and the Muses beg that thou spare thyself, and in thyself spare them, to offer oneself to studies is the more worthy of all praise, but not to the extent of sacrifice.

4 Pardon a petitioner; thy letter to my father is the cause, my brother.

5 The reference is to Plhammar's Andra grundwahl, which Swedberg is printing at his own expense.

In this Daedalus IV, I am thinking of bringing out Speculationes Daedaleas6 on the Flying machine, and of leaving room for Dr. Bromel's curiosities, if he will be so kind as to insert them.

6 Daedelian speculations. Daedalus was an Athenian inventor who is said to have made wings of wax whereby he escaped from his enemies by flying.

Assessor Plheimer writes that in the next [number] he wishes to have something put in that would be of profit to the publico, such as water and air machines, windmills, etc., which is right pleasant to me. Sed relictis novellis literariis ad publicos.7 On the night between last Thursday and Friday,8 his Majesty journeyed incognito through Scara and Skarke to Hio, and there set out over Lake Vetter to Vadstena to visit the Princess.9 We had in our house the lad who was his outrider, who followed him from the cloister10 to Hio. He relates many amusing questions and answers; just one only: The King asked if the King was not expected at Hjentorp.11

Yes (said the servant), they thinks so. What would he do there? That I don't know (answers the servant), but they say he would go from there to Stockholm. Then, said he, smiling, Why do you say that he is going to Stockholm; they say it lies so far away; besides other things. For the rest, some think that no guests are expected in Scne this year, scilicet, ut Svecia lentius animam trahat.12 After 100,000 greetings to Sister Anna and to Brother Eric, I commit my Brother to God, remaining

highly honored d. Brother's

most faithful servant

Eman. Swedberg.

7 But leaving literary news, let us come to public characters.

8 August 30-31

9 Ulrica Eleonora, his sister. Charles had been compelled perforce to give up for a time the campaign in Norway, and, after delaying a month in the neighborhood of Strmstad, resolved to go to Lund, which then became his established capital. First, however, he resolved to meet his sister at her earnest entreaty. Riding alone and incognito, he went via Vennersberg and Skara to Hjo on Lake Vetter, and there, despite stormy weather, induced a single oarsman to row him over to Hstholmen on the opposite shore. From there he rode seven miles through pouring rain to Wadstena, where he presented himself to his sister, all wet and muddy as he was. He left for Lund the next night, August 31st. This was the first time the brother and sister had seen each other since 1700 When Charles left Sweden to engage his enemies. Their next and last meeting was in November 1718 (Nordberg II, 578, 664; Fryxell 29:25).

10 Namely, the cloister in Skara.

11 A little village between Skara and Skarke. It lies on the direct road from Skara to Stockholm.

12 That Sweden may breathe more easily. The Russians and Danes had planned a landing at the province of Scne in the south of Sweden, but Czar Peter was playing false with the Danes, and the landing was never attempted (Fryxell, 29:32).

P. S. If there is a place, I would willingly stay in the upper story. I also pray most humbly that I may enjoy the same kindness as before at d: Brother's table. vale.

On September 4th, shortly after writing the above letter. Emanuel wrote also to Polhem at Stiernsund, asking him for further computations to accompany the article on the resistance of the air which was to be printed in Daedalus no. IV.

Two or three days later, he received a letter from Polhem, dated STIERNSUND, SEPT. 5, in answer to his letter of August:

Honorable and highly esteemed Sir and Friend:

I have read through Daedalus IV with pleasure, and so far as I can find, it is worked up throughout with great diligence and intelligence. As regards the resistance,1 it may be well to note that there is more material, based on many other deductions which might follow in the next [number] and, in the meanwhile, to have discourse thereon orally, rather than that it seems to require any change or correction which it behooves me to set up; but if I should express my humble opinion, it seems to me that the former corrections were altogether unnecessary.

1 That is, the article by Polhem on the resistance of air to falling bodies.

Regarding flight, or flying artificaliter, this would seem to have the same difficulty as the making artificialiter of perpetuum mobile, gold, etc., though at first glance it seems no less feasible than desirable; for all that one eagerly desires, one has generally a greater inclination to put into execution.

When one considers the matter more closely, he meets with something which nature will deny; thus, in the present case, that all machines in motion do not retain the same proportion in the large as in the small, even though all the parts be made alike and according to proportion in all details. Thus, for example, though a stick or rod is capable of bearing itself and indeed some weight in addition, this is not the same in all sizes, even though the length and thickness retain their like proportion; for whenever the weight increases in ratione triplicata, strength increases only in ratione duplicata. It is the same with superficies [surfaces]; from which it comes about that large bodies are finally unable to bear themselves. Moreover, according to nature herself, she puts on for birds, not only a very light and strong material for feathers, but also entirely different sinews and bones in the body itself, which are required for strength and lightness, such as are not found in other bodies. For one comes with so much greater difficulty to the effect in the air which this matter demands, because of lack of the suitable materials and requisites which are demanded therefor, if a human body is to go with the machine. But, were it possible that a person could move and direct all that so great a machine as carries him call need, then the thing would be attained. Yet, one should indeed be able to avail himself of a strong wind, if this were even and steady.2 But it call do no harm if what is already written hereon is printed with the other matters, if only, in connection with it, a distinction be made in the next number-the known be set over against the unknown, etc.

2 Up to the present point, the whole of the present paragraph is printed by Swedberg in the Daedalus (p. 23) at the end of his article on the Flying Machine.

Regarding the loca longitud3--as to the discovery of this. I might add that I cannot fully comprehend the matter altogether clearly as is needed; yet it seems to be very plausible. In connection therewith, I have myself thought as to the way in which it might best be done, and I find 3 possibla ways of finding longitud: locorum by means of the moon, though they all have their objection. Thus, First, from eclipsibus which are not available at all times.

2. Per differntiam latitudinis inter lunam et equatorem in quoqunque meridian,4 but since this is at times small, and sometimes as good as nothing, it has its difficulty. 3. By the parallaxes which make a smaller difference.5 And so he who claims a complete accomplishment in this matter has something to say. Yet these matters may well excoleras [be cultivated] further; if not for gain's sake, at least for curiosity.

3 That is, Emanuel's article on finding the Longitude.

4 By the difference of latitude between the moon and the equator in each meridian.

5 In, the method of finding the Longitude which Swedberg published in Swedish in 1718, he refers to these suggestions by Polhem, as follows: "A learned man in our time has taught us to give attention to the moon when it eclipses some known and visible star," etc. (p. 18).

Min Herr's arrival here at Stiernsund will be very pleasant to me, and, so far as I shall be able to do him any service from my small experimental knowledge, I will do it so much the rather as it would he falling upon a fruitful soil for the use of the publici and for [my] own honor.

Since Min Herr has begun on Physics,6 it should be serviceable further to follow up the same for some time. In particular, De Causis rerum naturalium in all kinds of necessary and curious matters, especially household, etc. Min Herr's letter I received immediately after mine had gone off. My wife and children together with myself greet Him Herr in the most cordial way; and also thanks for his greetings.

I remain

my highly honored Herr's

most obedient servant

Christoph: Polheimer
Stiernsund
Sept. 5, 1716

6 Physics. The reference is to Emanuel's flying machine.

Whether or not Emanuel called at Stiernsund on his way to Upsala in the middle of September, is not known. If he did, as is most likely, he probably discussed with Polhem, not only matters connected with the Daedalus, but also his hopes of securing a Mathematical and Scientific Faculty at Upsala, though it is not likely that he referred to his proposal of himself as the head of that projected Faculty.7 But perhaps he spoke only of the desirability of removing the Mechanical Laboratory from Stockholm to Upsala. Polhem refers to this in his letter written at the END OF SEPTEMBER, and addressed to Emanuel at Upsala:

7 See p. 100.

Noble and highly learned Sir and good friend:

His highly honored letter of September 4 has been received. As concerns the calculations for the fall of water, the wheels, pipes, and all kinds of different works and power machines, these demand greater extensiveness than can be set forth in a letter; especially since each separate case has many circumstances peculiar to itself, so that, while all have their own proper rules and demonstrations, both mathematice, physice, and mechanice, yet there is hardly any rule so complete which does not in a certain measure have its exception. For example: Though one knows generaliter the rule for the greatest effect of all water wheels in respect to time and power, according to which all must be observed if one will avail himself of all the effect which an average or little supply of water can give, yet the size of the wheel, the slant and shape of the blades, etc., is made in one way in the wheel of a sawmill, in another in the wheel of a forge, in another in the wheel of a bellows, in another in the wheel of a grist mill, in another in the wheel of a windlass and of a water works; so that there is hardly a work which does not demand its special property. The one does the best work when it goes quickly, as in the wheel of a sawmill; another, when it goes less quickly and powerfully, as in the wheel of a forge, and so forth. And since all this demands fuller descriptions than can be given at one time in the usual way, it would be best first to take up the properties and conditions of each work by itself; yet, at first, generalia [generals]. And since a beginning hat; already been made concerning resistentia mediorum, it would seem not unreasonable that the uses which follow from it be first treated of, such as the calculation for water jets, pleasure artifices in parks, also bombs, cannon balls, etc., all of which have their own mathematical rules convenient [in harmony] with actual practice, so that the word "thought" should he little needed, but rather revera [actuality] has found it to he the same as what is put forth concerning the resistent. med: [the resistance of mediums]:

In summa, if the learned wish to have enjoyment and honor front what they teach others, they ought to have a better knowledge in various subjects of that which is now taught; for in many things Nature has arrangements entirely other than those Des Cartes and almost all his followers think--which can never be learned better than by daily experiens in Mechanics, and also a reflective thought that penetrates to causes;

and though it is very little that I have gained herein as compared which remains, yet I hope that my principia will be able to pave the way to what remains; for I never approve of anything that cannot stand examination for all the cases and circumstances which follow therewith; and as soon as one thing contradicts it, I hold the whole foundation to be false. It should, moreover, afford the learned Mathematiker no little honor if they could show whereto all their grandest and most difficult figures serve in practicis [practical matters], especially geometria curvarum [the geometry of curves], etc., which in many places in Mechanics I have found to be more useful than I supposed at the time I learned them in Upsala, and knew not what good such things served. In short, as long as I live, I hope material for printing shall not be wanting, so long as Min Herr is pleased to take the trouble to calculate, draw, write up, and prepare all that pertains thereto; for such work wearies me, what with many other occupations and cares which daily occasions bring in.

I have also some inventions which could profit and adorn the kingdom, and among them a threshing machine is not the least in its great advantages; and to bring these to the use and enjoyment of others and of myself, I have thought so to procedera that I will persuade the Herr Mathematicos and others of the curious1 in Upsala to procure for themselves a general privilege on all the newer inventions that call be hit upon by any private person with whom they themselves could come into agreement in a reasonable way. But the profit that can be gained thereby, they should devote to public uses, in such a way that a laboratorium Mechanicum is set up in Upsala (perhaps the 1200 dal. s.m. already voted for such a laboratorium in Stockholm might be added thereto when peace comes).2

And, that the work might receive better consideration and be conserved by many persons, the observatorium Celeste and a Colegium curiosorum should be combined; and, provided the same office takes on itself to keep threshing machines at all estates and large villages throughout the whole kingdom for the same price that it now costs or that can be agreed on, the means of support for these three useful and curious works3 will lack so much the less since the profit should become greater than any private person would be able to obtain a quarter thereof in any certain time or sum; and since, for my own part, I can hardly expect any special profit from all my inventions because of the inborn envy which stalks in our land, provided it cannot be done in this way, then I am the more willing and resolved, myself to stand all risk in connection with it, since a reasonable participation in such public work should make me assured of what has been previously agreed on, which agreement could be somewhat as follows: that when the above-mentioned opus curiosorum [work of the Collegium Curiosorum] retains one-half of all the profit that is to be expected, the inventor should enjoy one-third, and the director of the whole undertaking one-sixth, making altogether 6/6; of which we will have occasion better to confer when Min Herr comes here.

1 Polhem is probably referring to the Collegium Curiosorum, or a proposed Collegium. The Collegium informally founded by Benzelius in 1710 during the plague was now largely moribund. But some of its members were still in the University, and in 1719, they, with others of the Professors formed a Bokwetts Gille or Literary Society. This Society received Royal sanction in 1728, and is now the Royal Scientific Society of Upsala.

2 Polhem is probably referring to the 1500 dal. s. m. voted on April 20, 1697, by the regency government for Charles XII (Charles XI died on April 5), for the establishment of a mechanical laboratory in Stockholm. Of this sum, 300 daler were to go to Polhem as the head of the laboratory, and the rest to two skilled workmen, two apprentices, and material. The plan was never carried out. The grant was used only in part, for the payment of Polhem and one assistant, and in 1708 it was entirely withdrawn (see p. 71 and Bring, Chris. Pol. p. 31) with the probable exception of 300 dal. continued to Polhem; hence his reference to the grant as being 1200 dal. s.m.

3 Namely, the Mechanical Laboratory, the Astronomical Observatory, and the Collegium Curiosorum.

Meanwhile, it would do no harm if those who are concerned get knowledge of this matter beforehand, and when all has been deliberated on with ripe judgment, they could give their thought to a letter to his Majesty--it can best be forwarded through the deputy Councillor Herr Fahlstrm, or whomever else they please, such as the Chancellor.4 If this and other like things could be made to succeed in our time, I hope that the lack which our d: fatherland now has of another reputation, would thereby in some way he mended; at any rate, the foreigner would note that we are not discouraged at misfortune.

We have shown ourselves to be tolerably proud only in prosperity, and for this the foreigner can now justly deride our sad condition here in Sweden both in one thing as in another; which present misfortunes should make us more prudent--which were to be desired, since little would be lost, when more useful honor is won in its stead.

I remain, with sincere greetings from us all

Min Herr's most obedient servant

Christoph: Polheimer
Stiernsund

Sept.--1716

Min Herr will please present lay humble greeting to the Herr Librarian,5 Herr Prof. Elvius, and the others on my behalf. Excuse the hastiness.

4 That is, the Chancellor of Upsala University; but from May 1716 when General Piper, the then Chancellor, died, to February, 1719, the University was without a chancellor (Annerstedt II, p. 433). Probably Baron Ludovic Fahlstrm. See p. 148 note.

5 Eric Benzelius.

Emanuel stayed in Upsala during the whole of October, occupied with the publication of Part IV of the Daedalus, and with preparatory work for Part V. He had succeeded in procuring one or Polhem's wonderful taps (see p. 98, note 11a) and probably took the opportunity to write a description of it for Daedalus V. It was on the fifth of this month that the Skyttian professorship held by Professor Upmarck became vacant, since Professor Upmarck had at last been called to Stockholm to fill his office of censor of books (Annerstedt II. 2. p. 19). It was generally expected that Grnwall, the Secretary of the University, would be appointed in his place, and in the vacancy thus created, Emanuel saw a possible opening for himself. Therefore, EARLY IN OCTOBER, he addressed the following letter to

Herr Rector Magnificus
and also
Venerandum Consistorium

Since, by the advancement of the Well-born Herr Secretary Upmarck, a professorship becomes vacant at the Academy here, and presumably Herr Secretary Gronwall will be remembered in the filling of it, I come before your Magnificence and the veneradum Consistorium in deepest respect, with the humble request that at the coming opening, after the above-mentioned Herr Secretaire, the venerable Consistory will keep me favorably in their thoughts, I seeking thereby to become of service to venerandum Consistorium, and an opportunity to show with what great pleasure I am continually

Venerandi Consistorii

most humble servant

Emanuel Swedberg

The matter was brought up in the Upsala University Consistory on November 14th, when the Rector reported that he had received a letter from "Student Emanuel Swedberg," humbly requesting to be kept in mind in case of a vacancy. As it turned out, however, the patron of the Skyttian professorship appointed, not Grnwall, but a professor from Lund University. Naturally, therefore, nothing came of Emanuel's application.

When making this application, Emanuel had seen no other way for the satisfaction of his eager desire to enter into some active work suitable to his genius. It was, however, but a few days later--and some time before his application came before the University Consistory--when all this was changed and his old hope was again revived of seeing the King and so of securing the Royal patronage for the advancement of learning in Sweden.

As intimated in Polhem's letter of early September, Swedberg had arranged again to visit Stiernsund on his way back to Brunsbo. Meanwhile Polhem had received a royal command at once to attend on the King at Lund, with a view to taking up the work of building the dam in connection with the dry dock then being constructed at Karlscrona; and Polhem had invited Emanuel to accompany him, with the promise that he would recommend him to the King as his assistant in the work. It is probable that Emanuel heard of this offer prior to his leaving Upsala, for it behooved him to make certain preparations for the visit to the King, which could be made only in Upsala and with the cooperation of his brother-in-law. These consisted in preparing a bound volume of nos. 1-4 of the Daedalus, and in arranging with Benzelius as to the matters to be brought to the King's attention.

As originally issued, the first number of the Daedalus contained a title-page applying only to a single number, and also an Address to the Reader. But now, for presentation to the King, it was decided to print a title-page for the four issues of 1716, together with a dedication to the King (see p. 72). For the first title-page, Emanuel had composed the lines:

Ages return, and ancient time renews its sport

And Daedalus himself comes to his day.

He through the midst of hostile foes did flee

As from our foe flees this our Daedalus.

For the new title-page, he substituted the following:

Lo Daedalus did mount the winds, and from on high

Did scorn the snares King Mines laid on earth.

So mount the winds, my Daedalus, by thine own art

And scorn the snares the common herd shall lay.

The new preface which he now composed was clearly designed to enlist the King's support for his undertaking. It reads:

"Most Mighty and Gracious King.

"I am emboldened to come forward with some small mathematical investigations and observations, and lay them down in deepest submission at your Majesty's feet, because of the gracious solicitude your Royal Majesty is pleased to show in respect to literary art in general and, in particular, to studia mathematica, a signal proof whereof is the fact that your Royal Majesty has ever regarded with grace the designs and machines which Herr Assessor Plheimer has already set up for the service and use of your Royal Majesty and his Kingdom, or has submitted humble proposal for setting up.

"Some of them I have described in this little work, and have added the observations of other learned men, your Royal Majesty's subjects, together with my own investigations, which, by the most earnest reflection, I have sought to mature, both at home and also during a five years' costly journey in foreign lands where studia mathematica are most cultivated and are in the highest esteem.

"This is merely a beginning, most gracious King; much more still remains hidden away which, presumably, will contribute great advantages to your Majesty's Kingdom, especially in the development of manufacture, navigation, artillery, and the art of shooting.

"If this work wins your Majesty's grace, it will certainly rouse up many other men, in submissiveness to lay bare their thoughts, and to offer them for your Royal Majesty's gracious pleasure. I remain to the hour of my death,

Your Majesty's

my ever gracious King's

Most humble and faithful subject

Emanuel Swedberg."

As to the other matters which Emanuel was to lay before the King for his approval, these are noted down in an autograph MS6 preserved among the papers of Eric Benzelius. It contains three paragraphs, being notes prepared by Emanuel, probably as the draft of a letter to be presented to the King by the Collegium Curiosorum or by the Upsala University--a letter, called by him "the Upsala letter"which he either took with him, or which Benzelius forwarded to him in Lund. See the last paragraph of Polhem's letter of September, p. 119. The MS. reads:

6 Reproduced in 1 Photo. MSS, 2.

1

1. The mechanical laboratory to be moved to Upsala, and the money of the laboratory to be appropriated for its support. 2. The models in Upsala to be given to it. 3. Under Assessor Plheim's direction.

2

1. A celestial observatory at the Castle, or elsewhere. 2. The iron and metal pipes are appropriated to this. 3. Under the orders of the governor of the province.7

7 Namely, Count Per Ribbing.

3

1. A Societas Mathematica. 2. For this there is proposed an increase on Olnarsa8--its privilege. 3. A double stipend. 4. That half the profit be awarded them, from what is agreed on for new undertakings and machines--a beginning of which is Assessor Plhammar's threshing machine, he retaining one quarter of the profit for himself. 5. President thereof. Assessors who are now in actual service, and, when means come in, something should be appropriated for them such as other officials receive. 6. A Director over threshing and other machines set up in the country, who shall have one-sixth of the profit. 7. That the aforesaid society shall specially devote itself to mechanics, to invented machines serviceable for manufacture, to shipbuilding, artillery, mining, field mills,9 the art of shooting.

8 Olnarsa (or Alnarsa) is not a Swedish word, nor is it the name of any Swedish locality.

9 That is, grist mills that can accompany an army on the march.

Having finished his preparations for the meeting with the King, Emanuel left Upsala in the beginning of November.

On his way home, he again visited Polhem at Stiernsund. From there, the two traveled together to Bishop Swedberg's residence in Brunsbo, where they arrived on November 12th.* On the 18th they resumed their journey to Lund, some two hundred and thirty miles to the south. Here Emanuel lodged in the same house as his former acquaintance, Bernard Cederholm, whom he had last met in Greifswalde (see p. 60), and who was now one of the King's Secretaries; and he duly notified Benzelius of his safe arrival. Cederholm was not unknown to Bishop Swedberg, for on Dec. 20th, 1716, he wrote him: "I am happy to learn that my son Emanuel has the good fortune to have lodging in the same house as the Herr Secretary. His obstacles, according to human judgment, are that he is young. But when God has given a young man as great an understanding and experience as an old, God must have the honor. The Herr Secretary will be so good as kindly to favor him."

With the arrival of Charles XII in Lund in the preceding September, that city had become the capital of Sweden, and it remained such until the King's death in 1718. Naturally, despite the extreme simplicity of the royal court the fact that the city had recently suffered from a devastating fire, and was much impoverished by the continual impressment of men for the army, yet, being the capital of the kingdom, it attracted to itself some trade in luxuries. It is not surprising, therefore, that Benzelius, in a letter to Emanuel which is now lost, took advantage of his brother-in-law's presence in Lund, to request him to purchase, probably for his wife and Emanuel's sister, a pair of kid gloves. In the same letter, Benzelius probably informed his brother-in-law as to the disposal of the Skyttian professorship--a matter which was now no longer of interest to Emanuel. What is more important, however, is the fact that Benzelius recommended that it be brought to the King's thought "that it would be useful for merchandise to pass through Gothenburg and the Gtha lf and Venner."10 The necessity of such a passage was painfully obvious to Sweden, for the only way by which vessels from the eastern coast of that country could then reach the Atlantic was through the mile-wide passage between Helsingborg in Sweden and Helsingar in Denmark.

In time of war with Denmark, this was closed, and in time of peace, it was greatly hampered by imposts demanded by the Danes. Benzelius's attention had been called to the desirability of a freer and more direct water passage from Stockholm to Gothenburg--what is now known as the Gothenburg canal--by a letter written in 1526 by Bishop Brask of Linköping, which he had discovered in the Upsala University Library. "Of this letter (he wrote in later years), I gave a copy to my brother-in-law, Herr Emanuel Swedenborg, when he was in Lund with his Majesty, in 1716. This was the occasion of thought being given to a canal between Lakes Vetter and Venner, and also to navigation from Gothenburg to Venner."11 Some preliminary work in this direction had already been done in the sixteenth century by the construction of a canal from Gothenburg northward, but the falls of Trollhtten whereby connection would be made with Lake Venner presented insuperable difficulties, and the work had stopped.

* In a letter dated Nov. 20th, 1716 (preserved in Upsala University Library), Bishop Swedberg writes: "Emanuel came home 8 days ago, and at once journeyed with Assessor Polheimer to Scne." That Polheim was in Brunsbo on Nov. 17, is seen from his letter of that date published in Berg's Samlung, II, p. 90.

10 Liden, Brefwxling, p. xxiii.

11 1 Doc. 275.

Meanwhile, on December 6, Polhem addressed to the King "humble memorial" recommending Swedberg for royal favor.12 "As your Majesty's grace and delight in the mechanical sciences has become so manifest (he wrote) ... and as it is known to your Majesty, and perhaps to others, that mechanics is a study which demands much labor and brainwork, yea, more than can correspond to its honor as compared to other studies; although, to put it briefly, that has come to be held as the art of a common workman, which yet demands the best subjects and the quickest talents that can be found in nature; for this reason, if your Majesty desire that this science shall gain its due advancement and growth as with other nations ... no better measure could serve to this end, than that subjects who are skilled in this science be regarded with no less honor than others whose studies are merely mediocre. At this time I know of no one who seems to have a greater bent for mechanics than Herr Emanuel Swedberg; and that he applies himself to other studies,13 is caused by the small regard in which, according to former custom, mechanics is held. I would, therefore, in deepest humility submit to your Majesty my inoffensive thought as to whether it would not be useful to grant some prerogative of honor to one who has a natural bent for mechanics, rather than in lack thereof, to let so useful a subject apply himself to some other pursuit.

And since, in the Royal College of Mines, one who understands mechanics, is needed no less than one who understands the mining ordinances ... therefore I would submit to your Majesty's gracious decision whether this Swedberg--who has also qualified himself for a University Professor, may not be advanced to the post of Assessor in the aforementioned College, and therefore be kept in that field in which he is likely to be of greater service than at a University. And should your Majesty graciously grant this, one of the mechanical stipends might at first suffice for his salary, together with a gracious assurance that at the first vacancy he would receive the salary which Assessores Ordinarii enjoy, without application for further authorization."

12 An English translation of this Memorial is printed in New Church Life, 1896, pp. 151-52.

13 This probably refers to Swedberg's seeking a professorship.

At this time the College of Mines had appropriations for two stipendiaries, at 300 dalers silvermint 14 each. One of these was vacant, but the other had been awarded to Polhem's son Gabriel on April twenty-third.15 The College of Mines had entire jurisdiction over the mining industry of Sweden, including jurisdiction over all mining disputes, judgment being given by majority vote of the higher officials. These latter consisted of a president without salary (who, however, was by law a privy councillor with salary as such), two councillors with salary of 1,500 daler s.m., and four assessors, with salary of 1,200 daler s.m.16 Extraordinary assessors, while entitled to a seat and vote in the College, received no salary17; usually, however, they had salaries from some other source.

14 About twenty-seven pounds sterling.

15 Almquist, Bergskollegium, p. 113.

16 Ibid., p. 19. Twelve hundred daler silvermint was equal to about one hundred and nine pounds sterling. See p. 24, note 19.

17 Almquist, op. cit., p. 97.

In consequence of Polhem's letter, the King interviewed Emanuel and also made inquiry concerning him from those in Lund who knew him--including Court Chaplain Rhyzelius, who had been a fellow lodger with Emanuel at the house of Benzelius, during their student days in Upsala, and Pastor Hegardt, the King's host, whom Emanuel had met in London where he had been pastor of the Swedish Church--all of whom spoke in his praise. In addition, there was the fact that he was the son of Bishop Swedberg, the favorite of the King's father, Charles XI.

But, what must have weighed most heavily in his favor with Charles XII who was highly skilled in mathematics and mechanics, was the volume of Daedalus Hyperboreus which bore such high witness to Emanuel's talent and skill.

It is not surprising, therefore, that the King approved Polhem's recommendation and appointed Emanuel Assessor Extraordinarius in the College of Mines. The King also appointed him assistant to Polhem in the dock work at Karlskrona, presumably with a small salary at the King's expense; see letter of September 14, 1718, p. 193. The choice was really Emanuel's own, for the King offered two alternative posts, of which one, perhaps, was the position of mechanical stipendiary, and the other some position connected with Charles' military undertakings. Swedberg, however, chose the extraordinary assessorship, with the promise of becoming an assessor ordinarius at the first vacancy, thereby showing his inclination to mining and metallurgy, and entering upon the path on which he was destined to walk for so many years.

The appointment was not made without arousing envious resentment. Nor will this be a matter of surprise when the impoverished state of the land is considered, and the constant striving for office which resulted therefrom. Moreover, to appoint to the high office of assessor--even though but extraordinary--in the College of Mines, one who had held no previous office in connection with mining, offered an additional occasion for opposition.

The original warrant of appointment was made on December tenth and was duly sent to the appointee. Emanuel, however, was not satisfied with its wording, seeing therein an endeavor on the part of one unfriendly to him--probably Baron S. Cronhjelm, President of the Handels Expedition17a--to weaken ally subsequent claim to an Ordinary Assessorship. For the warrant appointed him assistant to Polhem, though "with the rank and character of Extraordinary Assessor in the College of Mines"; but it said nothing about the recognition of this rank by the College itself; and Emanuel was apprehensive--and as events turned out, rightly so--that with this omission the College might refuse to recognize him as entitled to an Ordinary Assessorship when a vacancy occurred. Therefore he returned this warrant to the King, together with his comments.

Charles was evidently pleased with Swedberg's boldness, for he called him in audience a few days later (December 18) and there and then caused Swedberg's "opponent" to write out a new warrant together with a royal letter to the College of Mines specifically ordering the College to recognize Swedberg by giving him a seat and vote. It may he added that on the same day, the King honored Plhammar by elevating him to the rank of nobleman. Later, when he was received into the House of Nobles, he changed his name to Polhem. The King also appointed him Counsellor in the College of Commerce.18

17a Under Charles XII, the Handels Expedition (or Upphandlings Deputation) had charge of all business, manufactures, mining, banking, and customs, as well as of education. Baron Cronhjelm (1666-1721) was its President, and Emanuel's fellow lodger, Bernard Cederholm, its Secretary (Nordberg, Karl den XII, vol. II, p. 445).

18 Almquist, Kommerskollegium.

The appointment as Extraordinary Assessor was in itself a singular honor, for not only had no such appointment been made since 1684, but the office carried with it the understanding that the incumbent should become an ordinary assessor at the first vacancy.19 Moreover, the King added to the honor--led perhaps by the envy which had been manifested against Swedberg--by remitting payment of the customary fees.

19 Almquist, Bergskollegium, p. 17.

There were, however, other meetings with Charles XII, besides those concerned with the securing of an office. Emanuel had taken with him to Lund-or they had subsequently been sent on to him by Benzelius--several copies of Nos. I-IV of the Daedalus, which he intended to present to certain persons, but first of all to the King to whom the work had been dedicated, and for whom a specially bound copy printed on superior paper had been prepared. The book was accepted, and on more than one occasion, its author noted that it lay on the table in the King's own room. Evidence also was not lacking that the King had read the volume and admired its contents. Charles XII was a mathematical genius, and whatever else may be said of his character, he was undoubtedly interested in everything that tended to the advancement of Sweden in practical science. The improvement of hoisting machines for use in those mines which were the main source of Sweden's wealth; the finding of the longitude at sea, so necessary to the perfection of navigation; the suggested practicability of a flying machine--all these subjects greatly aroused the King's interest, and furnished topics of discussion with many of those who waited on him. His interest extended so far, that on one occasion he suggested to Swedberg that the usefulness of the Daedalus might be extended if it were published not only in Swedish but also in Latin, the Swedish and Latin to be on opposite pages.

His perusal of the Daedalus aroused in the King an admiration of the mathematical and practical genius of the young Emanuel,19a and this perhaps was a factor in the appointment which he gave him. At any rate, during the month of Polhem's and Swedberg's stay in Lund, the King summoned them to meet him on more than one occasion, for the discussion of mathematical and mechanical subjects. At one of these meetings, the King raised the question as to the origin of the decimal system of numbering with its turning point at ten,--ten one (eleven), ten two (twelve), etc. The supposition was that this had its origin in primitive times with the practise of counting on the ten fingers. The King thought the system very defective when it came to mathematical calculations, inasmuch as the number ten contained no square or cube, and when divided was soon reduced to fractions; had a skilled mathematician devised a system of numbering, he would have based it on a number which by constant division would have been reduced to the number one, and which would have contained within it a square and a cube. The objection was made, that such a system would require an entire new set of characters, and this would involve many difficulties. But the King met this objection by at once showing how easy it would be to devise a system based on the number eight; thus: one to eight, then eight one, eight two, to sixteen, sixteen one, sixteen two to twenty-four, and so on. This, he observed, would have great advantages over the present system, inasmuch as eight by halving came to one, and it also contained the cube of the number two. He became at last so interested in his proposed system, that he asked Emanuel to work it out in detail. Emanuel of course accepted the royal commission, and at once proceeded to work.

19a This is the testimony of Eric Benzelius; see Liden, Brefwexling, XXIII.

Two days later he again attended on the King, and presented him with a paper presenting the proposed system of numbering, with the numbers expressed by entirely new characters, and with examples showing the advantages of the new system in mathematical calculations. The King's keen mind at once took in the whole scope of the new system, but he was not satisfied. He maintained that a satisfactory system ought to be based on a number which contained not only a square but also a cube.

The lowest such number being sixty-four, the King proposed the invention of a system with its turning point at this number. Both Polhem and Swedberg at once pointed out the great difficulties such a system would entail, including the learning of a multiplication table of thousands of characters, to say nothing of the difficulties in dividing and multiplying, etc. The King, however, was not convinced, and there the matter dropped for the time.

After two more days, on being again summoned to the royal presence, Emanuel was asked whether he had worked out the suggested system with its turning point at sixty-four. As a fact, he had done nothing in the matter, and in answer to the King's question, he again pointed out the difficulties involved. But here the King interrupted him by taking from the table and presenting to him some sheets written by the King's own hand, in which was set forth his proposed system, with thousands of new characters, and with a new system of division and multiplication by their
means. So remarkable was this proof of the King's mathematical genius that Swedberg confessed that he had met not merely a rival but a superior.19b

19b Miscellaneous Observations, p. 116. That these conversations with the King occurred in December 1716, is stated by Swedberg himself in his letter to Nordberg; see p. 459

Another subject that was called to the King's attention during Swedberg's visit in Lund, was the supply of salt for Sweden. The matter was brought up by the King's perusal of Doctor Roberg's article in No. II of the Daedalus, on the production of salt from Sweden's coastal seas. Doctor Roberg's method was based on the fact, which he notes at the outset of his article, that the freezing of salt water separates the salt. The King took an opposing view, and gave as an illustration something he had observed in Poland, when a cask of Hungarian wine was so frozen that he was able to distribute pieces of it to his soldier lads on the point of his sword. Presumably the soldiers were satisfied that frost had not separated the alcohol; but the King admitted that in the center of the cask was found a central core the size of a bullet, which contained the very essence of the wine. Apart from this, however, the proposal to procure salt from Swedish sea water aroused his keen interest. Practically all the salt consumed in Sweden was imported, and the difficulties of importation had been so increased by the Swedish wars, as to render the price almost prohibitive.19c

The question of obtaining native salt was therefore one of great importance, and it was understood that Emanuel would look further into the matter.

19c In peace times, the price of native salt was from 4 to 6 d. k.m. a tun, while the price of imported salt had now risen to 1,000 d. k.m. a tun (Swedberg, Om Docken p. 4).

Meanwhile, the main object of Polhem's visit had not been neglected. The building of the dry dock at Karlskrona had already been commenced, the work being under the general direction of Admiral Wachmeister, who had suggested the project. The dock was to be blasted from the rock on the island of Lindholm near Karlskrona, and this blasting had been going on for two or three years. But before blasting the rock below sea level, it was necessary to construct a great arc-like dam, so that the water within it could be pumped out preparatory to the blasting.20

20 Swedberg, On the Dock, translated in Chemistry, p. 232.

The shipbuilder Sheldon had submitted to the King a model of the proposed dock, but had confessed himself unable to build the requisite dam.21 It was this work that was committed to Polhem, with Swedberg as his assistant; and even while still at Lund, Emanuel was occupied with reflection on the mechanical means to be used in the work. The dam was to be a large semicircular structure, 70 feet in length and in 22 in height.21a It was to be built above the water, suspended from ropes and resting on a platform or bridge erected on piles.

21 Nordberg, Karl den XII, p. 602; Bring, Chr. Polhem, p. 218-9.

21a Nordberg, Karl den XII, II, p. 602.

The other great project--a water route from Stockholm--which had been called to the King's attention by the letter of Bishop Brask, shown him by Emanuel, greatly aroused his interest, for his keen mind at once saw its military advantage. He therefore commissioned Polhem and Swedberg, after they had finished their preliminary work at Karlskrona, to investigate the practicability of building the canal, what route it should take, and what its probable cost.

After entering Lake Venner, the route of the present Gothenburg Canal runs northeast on the lake for some distance, and then, at sjatorp, again becomes a canal and crosses the land to Lake Vetter; then northeast through Lake Vetter to Motala and so by a series of lakes to Stockholm. But the route which Polhem and Swedberg were ordered to survey, proceeded further northward on Lake Venner, leaving the lake at Gullspng, and going from there to rebro, Lake Hjlmer, and by a series of other lakes to Stockholm.21b

21b See Berg's Samling till Gteborgs Hist., II, p. 291, Anecdota Benzeliana, p. 62, and Bring, Chr. Polhem, p. 197

Polhem and Swedberg left Lund about December twentieth for Karlscrona, where Swedberg at once occupied himself, to use his own words, with "the geometrical measurements" which were necessary before the actual building of the dam. These measurements were based on soundings of the bottom of the sea at the site of the proposed dam, with a view to building above the water a dam, the bottom of which should correspond exactly with the sea floor. This dam was afterwards to be weighted with stones, and then sunk.22

22 Swedenborg, Chemistry, p. 233.

Polhem's and Swedberg's brief visit to Karlscrona seems to have been for the purpose of making a general survey, with a view to reporting to the King as to the work to be done. The following undated Memorial seems to be such a report, and therefore was probably written in Karlscrona in DECEMBER, 1716. Nos. 1-12 are written apparently in the hand of some clerk, but nos. 13 and 14 are in Swedberg's hand.

There is no evidence available as to whether or not this Memorial was actually presented to the King. Possibly its contents were communicated to him orally.

MEMORIAL

On Improvements that are to be made at Carlscrona

1 A dock for the repairing of ships, which can be constructed in the mountain itself, the cost whereof, after the closest reckoning, amounts in all to 30,000 dl. s.mt, but for greater sureness, it call be reckoned at from 40 to 50 thousand dl. s.mt.

2 In the ropemaker's shop, a handy method can be instituted whereby, with the help of no more than ten or twelve men, the great anchor cables can be made in the same time and of the same quality as they are now made by a hundred men, and in a hundredfold greater time, as is reported.

3 The great anchor cables, as also the smaller cables and ropes, can be made in another and more advantageous way, so that, with a saving of 30 to 40 per cent of hemp, they will be just as durable as now; yes, even much better in some ways.

4 For the careening of the ship, a machine can be set up whereby from 12 to 16 men will be able to accomplish in the same time what it now takes a hundred men at least to accomplish; and this with the advantage that, even in the case of the largest ship, it will not do the least injury either to corpus [hull], masts or rigging.

5 So likewise a machine in which a crew of 10 to 12 men can draw up on land the largest ship one wishes, and this with the advantage that the ship suffers no injury thereby, in the way of keel breaking or other injury.

6 Because the anchor making, with hard labor, uses all too much iron and coal, with a consequent loss, as compared with what call be done with a waterwheel, his Majesty could effect a great saving if an anchor smithy with forging and blasting apparatus run by water were established on Lyckeby river.*

* A stream some four miles from Karlscrona, where there is a considerable waterfall. Here, in 1716, Polhem, with Swedberg as his assistant, constructed a dam which was used for power in connection with the construction of the dry dock at Karlscrona. (Swedenborg's Chemistry, pp. 236-7)

7 Likewise, either at Lyckeby or at some other stream a little higher up, a useful sawmill could be operated to good advantage in all such timber sawing as is required in great quantity for shipbuilding, Item for tackle, pulleys, blocks, and all else that is requisite, and especially such materials as grow in the woods up there, and can be floated down on the water.

8 A small water machine wherewith round pulleys and parts for blocks, tackle, etc., could easily be made in great quantities and at little cost, so that besides his own needs one could make sale of them abroad.

9 A water machine whereby all kinds of boards could, with great advantage, quickly be made smooth; item thick boards, and despite their being crooked.

10 A water machine which can make oval holes for blocks, pulleys, and also round holes, etc., as required, and this with speed and at little cost.

11 A little water-driven sawmill for all kinds of fine and trellis work, such as is much used abroad in gardens and other places, and also other ornaments which could be planed with the same work.

12 So long as all refined copper that is not used in general manufactures is coined into minted plter,* Swedish copper manufactures will ever be in specially great demand, and command a good price in all parts of the world; especially in all kinds of forged work, or work in which the English, German and Japanese coppers are not serviceable without the addition of Swedish copper. Owing to this happy circumstance, among other suitable places in the kingdom, a fine copper manufactory could be established in Carlscrona, at some serviceable stream in the neighborhood. Yet this would be best for private persons.

* Copperplates on which a specified value was stamped.

13 To effect the procuring of sweet water for the city by pipes through the salt water.*

* According to the Swenskt Conversations-Lexicon (Stockholm, 1845). Karlscrona "lacks good and fresh water, which must be fetched from Lyckeby. A water pipe from that place has long been thought of, and the cast iron pipes requisite for this purpose are already procured."

14 That the ropes that lie abandoned and rotted may he used for heavy packing paper.

On page 4 of the above Memorial, Emanuel gives a draft outline of a proposed Memorial to the King, for the establishment of a Mechanical Laboratory in Upsala. Whether the Memorial itself
was ever written is not known. The draft outline, which must be dated December, 1716, is headed "Three Points for the King," but in writing them out Emanuel expanded them to six:

1. That the machines which are in Stockholm be moved from the College of Mines to Upsala.

2. That instead of some other professorship, there be a Professor Mechanicus to which I be recommenderas.

3. That there be a societet or a Collegium Curiosorum in Upsala as in foreign lands.

4. That Lofsen1 be given to Herr Ollell in place of the 1713, 17141a salary notes, to conduct the manufacturer.

1 There are three towns in Sweden with the name Lfsen. What is meant here is Lfs in Stora Skedvi, a silver mine some sixteen miles west of Stjernsund.

1a This should be perhaps "1714, 1715" for the payment of state salaries, by notes instead of coin, commenced in 1714 (Fryxell 28, p. 62).

5. That the making of small coins be approved by the King, to be managed by the College of Mines; and that he [Ollell] be privileged in the same way as was Mons. Lunstrm.2

2 See p. 72. In 1716, Lundstrm's minting machine was replaced by a superior machine invented by Polhem (Liliencranz, Polhems Bref, pp. 116, 271).

6. That the privileges to Stiernsund be continued.3

3 The document "Three Points for the King" n the preceding Memorial, is reproduced in I Photolith. 2096, 127-9.

From Karlskrona Emanuel wrote to Benzelius toward the END OF DECEMBER, as follows:

Highly honored d. Brother:

From Lund I wrote a [letter] to d: Brother; I would, indeed, have written oftener had I not been hindered by mechanical and other occupations, and also had enough to do to pousser au bout [push to its end] my dessein. Since his Majesty graciously looked at my Daedalus and my intention therewith, he has advanced me to be Extraord: Assessor in the Bergs Collegium, yet in such wise that, for a time, I should follow Councillor of Commerce Polheimer. What pleases me most is that he expressed an extremely kind and gracious judgment concerning me, and himself defended me before those who thought the worst of me, and afterwards assured me of further grace and consideration, of which I have become assured both directly and indirectly. To relate all specialius [more in detail]: After his Majesty had sufficiently informed himself as to my mind, studies, etc., for I had the good fortune to have good backers, he offered me 3 positions, or offices to choose from, and afterwards a warrant of the rank and standing of an Extraord: Assessor; but since my illwishers have played too many intrigues with the above-mentioned warrant, and couched it in ambigueusa terms, it was sent back to his Majesty together with some comments, I well knowing what I had wherewith to back myself up. A new one was then at once vouchsafed me, and with it a gracious letter to the Bergs Collegium. The opposer had to sit at his Majesty's own table and write it in duplicate in two forms, of which he chose the best; so that they who sought the worst for me, were glad that they had come out of the matter with honor and reputation, so nearly had they burned their fingers.

The Daedalus has enjoyed such grace that it has lain on his Majesty's table these three weeks, and has given matter for many talks and questions, and is shown to many persons by his Majesty himself.

Within a short time, I shall probably send that which next follows for Daedalus V; if Doctor Roberg and Bromel do not shirk from advancing it with their contributions, it might lead to their own profit.2

2 This seems to indicate that the King had already intimated to Swedberg, that the Daedalus would receive royal favor.

We came here to Carlscrona some days ago, intending in three weeks to go to Gothenburg, and then on the way to Trolhtten, Wenner, Glmar,3 Gulspng, to examine sites for locks, for which his Majesty shows himself highly pleased.

3 That is, Hjlmar, meaning Lake Hjlmar. The text should read: AGuspng, Hjlmar.

In respect to the establishment of the Society,4 nothing is yet declared, yet, in the proper time, it shall not be forgotten, though the Upsala letter5 will probably have to rest.

4 The Mechanical Laboratory proposed for Upsala.

5 See p. 123.

By February we should be near Upsala, when all can be related more circumstantially, and counsel be taken.

To Sister Anna are sent thousandfold greetings. The kid gloves have been bought, I remaining

highly honored d: Brother's

most humble servant and

most faithful Brother

Em. Sw.

P. S. For the rest, the journey went off with very little expense beyond travel money; or, what otherwise is ordinarily paid out for warrants, has cost me not a stiver; this I affirm by my soul's salvation.

[Enclosure]

Copy of the Letter to the Bergs Colleg.1

1 This letter, dated Dec. 18, was read in the College of Mines on Jan. 7, 1717.

CARL. Our special favor ... since in grace we have been pleased to advance Em: Sw. to be Extraovd: Ass: in the Bergs Collegio, yet in such way that at the same time he should accompany Councillor of Commerce Polhem and be his assistant in instituting his constructions and inventions, we have, therefore, desired hereby to inform you of this, with the gracious order that you allow him to enjoy seat and voice in the Collegio when he is able to be present, and, in particular, when such matters come up as concern mechanics.

Commending you to God,

CAROLUS

Cronhjelm

The two warrants referred to in the above letter are as follows:

THE FIRST WARRANT: We, Charles, with God's grace, etc., make known that, as we have graciously thought fit to appoint some person skilled in the mechanical sciences, to accompany Councillor Polheimer in the institution of his works and inventions; and, inasmuch as our faithful and beloved subject, Emanuel Swedberg, in view of his praiseworthy qualities and skill, has been humbly proposed and recommended to us; therefore we have herewith, and by virtue of this our open warrant, graciously willed to appoint the said Emanuel Swedberg thereto, adjoining to him therewith the rank and character of Assessor Extraordinary in our Bergs Collegium. To this, all whom it may concern, must give obedient observance. For further assurance, we have confirmed this with our own signature and our royal seal.

CAROLUS

S. Cronhjelm
Lund, December 10, 1716.

THE SECOND WARRANT: We, Charles, with God's grace, etc., ... make known that, inasmuch as we have graciously thought fit that some one who has a good knowledge of mechanics, should also have a seat in the Bergs Collegium; and for this, our faithful and beloved subject, Emanuel Swedberg, in view of his praiseworthy qualities and skill, has been proposed to us; therefore, we have herewith and by virtue of this our open warrant, graciously willed to appoint him, Emanuel Swedberg, to be Assessor Exraordinarius in our Bergs Collegium. To this, all whom it may concern must give obedient observance. For further assurance, we have confirmed this with our own signature and our royal seal.

CAROLUS

S. Cronhjelm
Lund, Dec. 18, 1716

During his short stay at Karlskrona, Swedberg, in addition to his engineering work as Polhem's assistant, inquired into the possibility of introducing commercial salt production on the shores of the Baltic. For this purpose he made tests of the sea water at Karlskrona; but the results were not satisfactory, since the salt contents of the water were comparatively low owing to the many fresh-water streams which emptied into this inland sea. He resolved therefore to pursue his inquiries on the west coast of Sweden where he hoped for better results.

At Karlskrona he also did some preliminary work for No. V of the Daedalus, the contents of which were to be confined to a detailed description of Polhlem's wonderful tap,2 supplemented by an article describing a method of calculating the liquid contents of cubical and cylindrical vessels.

2 Se pp. 95 and 111.

In addition to this work, he commenced the re-writing in more extended form-with a view to its publication as a separate tract--of his article on Finding the Longitude which had been printed in Daedalus No. IV.

In the beginning of January, Polhem and Swedberg left Karlskrona for Gothenburg. There Polhem was to advise the Burggrave and officials of the city as to the establishment of a mint there, and this necessitated a stay of some four weeks. The "great mechanician' was received with ceremony, and treated throughout with high honor. The mint, however, was not built by the time of the King's death in 1718, when the privileges bestowed on the city were abolished by the Diet of 1719.*

* Berg. Saml. Till Gteborgs Hist., pp. 213-15. See also above, p. 110, note.

Before leaving Karlskrona, Emanuel had received Eric Benzelius's letter congratulating him on his new appointment. Benzelius was then visiting Bishop Swedberg in Brunsbo, and he informed his brother-in-law that his departure therefrom might be delayed owing to the lack of a sleigh. To this communication, Emanuel made answer in a letter dated GOTHENBURG, JANUARY 22, 1717:

Highly honored d: Brother:

I should wish that this letter first reached d: Brother while still in Brunsbo, and that such great patience could be afforded, that I also might have that good fortune, though I could not get away for ten days even were my wish and longing twofold stronger.

To leave Councillor of Commerce Polheimer in a place where weighty desseiner [plans1] are in hand, is as contrary to his Majesty's intention and pleasure as it is in the long run to my own advantage. Yet, I hope the want of the sleigh prevents my Brothers departure within that time. If my Brother could thus stay there, perhaps something might be dealt with which would be useful both for the one and for the other.

1 The reference is to the establishment of a mint in Gothenburg.

For my Brother's congratulation, received in Carlscrona just before my departure, I am very grateful. I give the assurance on my conscience that the only pleasure I find therein2 is that it will presumably please my parents and d: Brother; their pleasure is my greatest promotion and good fortune.

2 I.e., in the office to which Charles XII had appointed him.

I am now working on Daedalus V; I think to have it ready by the next post, or to bring it with me to Brunsbo next week. Should I, then, not find my Brother there, I will send it after him to Upsala. I am relying on my Brother's former goodness in this matter. And since the journey will probably be to the King again, at the end of April, I think to get it ready, together with a separate enlarged tract on the Longitudo Locorum. Thus, also, I hope that something can be determined concerning an Observatorium and the Society, as to which nothing is done as yet, though a word would have been enough to do it if the Councillor of Commerce3 had found that it had had being and continuation without the person who was in mind4 having cooperated with the Society, or, at least, having been present in Upsala. Yet, next time,5 request shall certainly be made concerning the observatorium. But there would be more to tell about this matter if it could be done orally. 

3 Namely, Polheimer.

4 The reference is to Emanuel himself.

5 I.e., when Emanuel next meets the King.

My Brother is greeted by the Councillor of Commerce. Remaining ever

Highly honored d: Brothers

most faithful Brother even to my death

Eman: Swedberg
Gothenburg: 22 Jan, 1717

Leaving Gothenburg, Polhem and Swedberg proceeded northward all the way to Strmstad at the extreme north of Bohusln. Their journey was much interrupted by their examination of the local salt boileries with a view to ascertaining the feasibility of establishing the commercial production of salt on a large scale. They were most impressed with the possibilities at Gullmarsborg near Uddevalla where the sea extends far inland by a long fjord which could easily be defended from enemy attack. Here there were already twenty-seven small saltworks, besides twenty at Strmstad,6 but the work was carried on in the most primitive way, and Polhem's ingenious mind quickly envisaged new methods whereby the making of salt could be both improved and cheapened.

6 Miscellaneous Observations, p. 67; Om Docken, p. 4.

While in Strmstad, Emanuel took particular notice of the primitive way in which the natives were producing salt by the evaporation of sea water; and his mechanical genius at once saw the possibilities of improvements whereby a greater amount of salt could be produced, both more economically and of a finer quality. It was perhaps here that he began to entertain the idea of a private stock company for the manufacture of salt.

He saw how important it was, especially at this time when Sweden was surrounded by enemies, that the country should increase its production of domestic salt, and of salt of a better quality than what was then being made at various places on the western coast of Sweden. To interest the King in this matter, and to gain his support, Emanuel, while in Strmstad, at the END OF JANUARY, 1717, wrote the following Memorial:

MEMORIAL

Concerning the establishment of brineries in Sweden

One would think that Sweden would have less advantage from the establishment of salt boileries than warmer southern lands having the advantage of more salt, their summers of stronger and longer heat, and, in addition, they have salt wells and salt mines.

On the other hand, we have other advantages which should be reckoned in our favor as against the aforementioned, to wit, that with us the shores are of greater extent and are better situated for the establishment of the above mentioned work, and for the procuring of sufficient wood.

We are also provided with streams which can advance both the work itself and the graduating process. In addition there are rocky enclosures where the water can be collected in the summer and, by evaporation, could be graded far an advantageous boiling. Add to this, our enjoyment of the fine nights of our winter, whereby the sweet water can be carried off by freezing; and then, by boiling what is left, the salt can be drawn off with economy in the use of wood and with other advantages. And if, in addition, there is a new construction of the grading work and the salt pans whereby there could also be a saving in wood and a lessening of other costs, it seems that the above mentioned advantages could thereby be still further promoted. All this is left to further investigation.

For the rest, it would seem best, if the establishment of the saltworks is to expect any advancement, that one set before him the main faults which have hitherto prevented the establishment of the work; and, if the work is commenced, which might still further wreck it, to wit:

1. That at the places where salt pans are now being used, some other method of graduating be used, rather than pumping the water from the deep, whereby salt water with 3 or at most 3-1/2 lods can be obtained, while by other means, such as framework, wind, heat, cold, etc., it could be brought to a content of 10 to 20 lods without any expenditure of wood or trouble. Yet, notwithstanding this, it is said that the salt makers in Strmstad can boil 3 tuns1 of salt from a single pan, every 24 hours, and this with the use of a single cord2 of wood.

1 About 14 bushels.

2 3-1/2 cubic ells.

2. That they use simple, clumsy pans which demand manifold more wood, besides other costs.

3. That it seems unknown to them how salt of the needed fineness and strength can be produced from sea water; and from this ignorance, it comes that the salt is found to be weak, of a brownish color, and changing in damp weather. All this ought to be provided against.

One can also find out whether they can be set up amongst us with advantage and progress, from the objections which are generally wont to be made against Swedish brineries, to wit:

1. That the forests would not long allow of the great burning of wood which such a work demands, especially now when all saving of wood becomes more and more necessary in Sweden. But since, at Uddevalle, on the Island of Orust and elsewhere roundabout, there is so great an abundance thereof, that sawmills, which also demand much and select material, have as yet suffered no lack thereof. These works should have the less lack, seeing that they make use of poorer wood, and sometimes of that which is left over by the works previously mentioned. Moreover, they have the less fear of a lack thereof in these days when, by an unfortunate circumstance, the majority of the Uddevalle sawmills have lately been destroyed. The supply thereof can be speeded by means of the many streams which flow in from all directions.

2. That the salt pans were subject to the danger of being ruined by our neighbors and enemies.3 But since it is a question of publici use, the risk privatorum [of private persons] will come to be considered like insurance and the hazards which a shipowner and merchant runs with his ship. Yet, aside from this, there should be outlets enough for the establishment of saltworks at places where such dangers were less to be feared.

3 Namely, the Danes, with whom Sweden was then at war.

3. That, on the other hand, we would lose the profit we enjoy from our ships, from their freights to foreign places where salt is low in price; and also have the same return from our productions would be diminished, and, in consequence, the flow of trade would be stopped. But since the salt is often brought to us by others, and one must have a return, even though the payment to us may be made in cash, our own manufacture would likely bring more into the country in general than a sale through second or third hands; and to seek additional ways merely for getting wares in exchange for honest products, is likely to be helping business with harm to oneself. Meanwhile, it should be requisite that we give thought to devices leading to a condition whereby one would suffer more loss than would be the cost of carefulness; and if this is now aroused, one will suppose the same proof could serve us for information at other times.

But if all is to be in due condition, it must be undertaken with united hands and the help of many, so that both profit and loss may be distributed, the gain be advanced in peaceful times, and every adversity which may come be warded off.

P.S. Against what has been said, it might be objected:

1. That the establishment of saltworks by rivers would harm the work rather than advance it, since the water there must be diluted with the sweeter water which joins it. But at the island of Orust and elsewhere there are locations where the rivers have their outlet in a different place than that where the saltworks are set up.

2. That our summers could not advance the work with any grading work, since the plan of our climate is uncertain, being sometimes hot weather and sometimes cloudy, sometimes rainy, unloosing all that the heat has bound. But with reason and patience all this can be provided against; not to mention the fact that six or seven days of heat or wind would do much for an advantageous boiling, knowing that with us the summer often produces salt on the rocks, and once 150 tuns, as it is said.

3. That test thereof should first be made before anything definite is concluded; but as the work is carried on daily at Strmstad, the test can be made from this, and a conclusion be reached respecting the work. A suitable construction could then be expected which will enjoy many advantages.

4. I will also give a sketch of salt pans and graduation works, if circumstances should so require.

[Em. Swedberg]

The above Memorial exists only in draft form. There is no record of its having been presented to the King, and it is probable that a Memorial by Polhem was substituted in its place.

At any rate, and whether as a result of this Memorial or not, on June 26th, the King granted Polhem the monopoly of establishing a brinery (Bring, Polhem, p. 54).

From Strmstad, the two travelers proceeded to investigate the route of the proposed canal through Trollhtten, Gullspng (on the eastern shore of Lake Venner), and Lake Hjlmar.4 In this they were assisted by maps drawn by Dutch canal builders who had been consulted by Charles IX with a view to building a canal to Stockholm5 but who had been obliged to give up the undertaking, owing to their inability to surmount the difficulties of the Trollhatten falls.

Polhem was wholly satisfied with his exploration, and saw the possibility of building the canal at a comparatively low cost.

4 Some months later, the route through Lake Hjlmar was abandoned in favor of the present route via Lake Vetter and Motala (Swed. Om Docken, p. 3).

5 See Lundgren, Anecdota Benz., p. 62.

This extended journey had occupied nearly four weeks, and after its completion, the travelers proceeded northward to Stiernsund where Swedberg stayed a few days as Polhem's guest. Here, in this quiet home, he found some much needed rest after his strenuous journey, and during his stay he was able at last to complete the copy for Daedalus V--which should have appeared in January--his work consisting mainly, if not altogether, in translating what he had prepared, into Latin, to meet the suggestion made by the King. After completing this work, he sent it to Upsala enclosed in an undated letter, received by Benzelius on Feb. 23 and which therefore was written about FEBRUARY 21:

Highly honored d: Brother:

Enclosed I send Daedalus V and rely on d: Brother in respect to it, now as before, with the humble request that d: Brother will give it his former unsparing kindness. I should have finished it long ago, but was on a journey ever uncertain, so that I had scarcely an hour's respite for such work. But as I have now come here to Stiernsund, I have some days free to put it together as well as can be done; hope it will win the approval of the Upsalnses [members of the Upsala Society] and, especially, of my Brother. I have added the Latin at the side, and this in accordance with his Majesty's own will, who marked out for me where the Swedish should be [and] where the Latin; for I hope that it will come out in the same way, corresponding to each other on their own pages.

As to the engraving of the same tap, I know not how to provide for it, as I am so far away and do not have permission to go myself. If Doctor Roberg could in some pleasing and engageant [inviting] way be again invited to interest himself in the matter, this would be the best way to have it done, especially since some minutiae are involved which Mons: Aveln1 may not be able easily to deal with.

Otherwise, if it should be necessary to examine the tap itself, it lies in the little box in one of the upper drawers in the room which I occupied; this also should be handed over to Doctor Roberg if he took this trouble on himself. For the rest, I hope that the aforesaid Doctor will contribute with this, his thoughts concerning snow and freezing, as he promised.

1 The Stockholm engraver, see p. 86.

As concerns his project for the making of salt, his Majesty discourerade [discoursed] thereon and took the opposite side, proving it from Hungarian wine which can be entirely frozen. He related concerning himself, when he was in Poland, that a cask of Hungarian wine was so frozen that he distributed it to his soldier lads piecemeal with his sword, though it left an inner kernal of the very essence, as large as a musket ball. And since his Majesty seems to be very well disposed as to the making of salt in Sweden, we have sufficiently informed ourselves thereon in Udwalla,2 and have found that here in Sweden is the best opportunity therefor in the world, since there is abundance of wood and of streams that call carry it, and one could be confident in promising to procure almost as much as is needed, at from eight to ten d. k.m. per tun;3 which also will likely be remonstreradt [objected to], in its place.4 I may also conferera [make up] something thereon with Doctor Roberg, which can be sent on to the King, so that he call see a drawing of new salt pans whereby wood is economized and the speed of the work hastened many times; also a drawing of a pump and graduating pipes which likewise are new; though both there also, as in other places, by means of evaporation and wind in the summer5 and of freezing in the winter, it can be rafineras to such a degree that it can be worked up and boiled with the least amount of trouble.

There is a salt boilery at Strmstad, but constructed with the greatest lack of judgment, without any other graduating process save that it is pumped from the deep; it has also the most clumsy salt pans that can be found;6 yet, with a single cord of wood, they succeed in producing three tuns a day. If now such a work could be set going, the country would import more than the whole of its iron manufacture,7 in which one must sometimes suffer a loss; but here there would be a real gain for the country, since it keeps money in the country. We hope that the journey we made there will in time become of importance.

2 Uddevalla.

3 The tun was equal to a little over four and a half bushels. The price of salt was at this time 100 daler per tun (Bring, Chr. Polhem, p. 53)

4 Swedberg is probably referring to the objections likely to be raised by importers fearful of losing their profits. (See Miscellaneous Observations, p. 69).

5 The practise in some places in Bohusln on the west coast of Sweden, was to raise the sea water to a height and let it fall therefrom through a plate pierced with small holes, and thus in droplets. Owing to the action of the wind, part of the water would thus be evaporated, and that which fell into the underlying pan would be richer in salt. See Swedenborg, De Sale. p. 71.

6 A drawing and description of these salt pans can be seen in De Sale, p. 45

7 I.e. by its sale abroad, the salt would supply more foreign exchange with which to procure imports, than did the export of iron.

At Trollhettan, Gulspong, and Lake Hielmar also, all was found to be possible [feasible] and at no such great cost as was thought. If I contribute nothing more to the matter, I am a stimulus to it.

Brother will please greet Professor Elfvius and try him as to whether he would be willing to part with his Linea Carolina8 which he has in originali. I will willingly give what he wants for it, if it is not all too unreasonable. It is not for my own need, but, for the rest, a great man would like to have it. I beg to be permitted to rely on my Brother in this matter.

8 In 1661, during the Regency of Charles XI, Georg Stjernhjelm (see p. 112, note 2) was commissioned to standardize the weights and measures of Sweden, which then greatly differed in different localities. One result of his work was the Linea Carolina, being an iron rod which became the standard for the Swedish ell. His standard of weights and measures prevailed in Sweden until 1737 (Svenskt Biog. Lex., s.v. Stjernhjelm). Linea Carolina, 1657, Constitutio et Usus is a MS. by Stjernhjelm, preserved in the Royal Library in Stockholm. A copy of this MS. is found in the Upsala University Library; see Ups. Univ. Biblioteks Minnesskrift. p. 317 What is here referred to, however, is not a manuscript but the rod itself. Several of such rods, brass or iron, were in existence, and Prof. Elfvius was in possession of one of them.

To little Eric is sent my greeting. I hear he continues in his inclination to mechanics and to drawing. When he is about ready to leave his praeceptor, I would advise him to follow me; then I will seek his welfare in every way, instruction in Mathesi [mathematics] and more, if this is agreeable. Sister Anna is also greeted, and I remain a thousandfold

highly honored d: Brother's

most humble servant and most faithful

Brother

Eman : Swedberg
Stiernsund 1717.

P.S. I am using a new Signum [sign] in my Daedalus, namely, [scanner unable to insert symbol]; I wonder if there is such a sign at the printshop, or whether it can be made up by the putting together of duo puncta [two points], which I think can be done.9 I beg that the enclosed be put in print as soon as possible, as I am highly desirous that it be ready at least before the journey to Lund is undertaken.10

9 In the Daedalus, the matter was solved by placing 1 in a horizontal position, and setting two dots above it, and two below, as follows: [symbol]

10 No. V of the Daedalus should have appeared on January first.

While at Stiernsund, Polhem and Swedberg worked on Memorials concerning various projects which were to be presented to the King. The Memorial on Saltworks suggested that for the success of the work, the risks and advantages be shared by many persons; that is to say, that it should be undertaken by the issuance of shares. The Memorial also promised drawings of improved salt palls and graduating processes.

The Memorial on Inland Navigation dealt solely with the building of sluices between Trolhetten and Vennersborg, thus completing the canal to Vennersburg, the greater part of which had been constructed in the time of Charles IX, and so opening water traffic between Gothenburg and Lake Venner. The rest of the Canal via Lake Hjlmar was left for a later memorial.

The total cost of the work, which might be done largely by Russian prisoners of war, was estimated at 100,000 d. s.m.; but this would be lessened by the establishment of iron mills whose products could be used in the building of the canal. The Memorial therefore proposed the issuance of one thousand shares of 100 d. s.m. each, which would be guaranteed a return of ten per cent after the commencement of navigation, and later of twenty per cent. Polhem also offered to take several shares as part of his salary. The Memorial also noted that the establishment of salt boileries could be carried on in connection with the construction of the canal, and proposed for this work the issuance of one thousand shares.

On January thirty-first, the King had authorized a private "sluice guild" for the building of the locks to Vennersborg, but with no effect. Polhem, in the above-mentioned Memorial, now puts forward more definite proposals.

There was a third Memorial on Manufactures, which proposed the enactment of Royal Ordinances designed to free master workmen and their employees from the restrictions of the trade guilds.

Finally came a Memorial on the Establishment of an Astronomical Observatory, and of a Society such as had been planned by Polhem, Benzelius, and Swedberg which should have charge of mechanical inventions, etc.

When Emanuel left Polhem's house, it was with the agreement that he would return at Easter, when the two men would resume their active work in the King's service. He then journeyed to the beautifully situated estate of Starbo, some forty-five miles southwest of Stiernsund where his stepmother owned iron mines and a furnace. With Starbo as a center, he also took occasion to make visits to the neighborhood where were many iron mines, and this with a view the better to fit himself to enter into his official position as an Assessor of the College of Mines, after his special work with Polhem had been completed.

At Starbo he received a letter from Benzelius--forwarded to him from Stiernsund-promising to see Daedalus V through the press, and apparently casting some doubt as to the accuracy of Prof. Elvius' Linea Carolina.

From here also Emanuel wrote to Polhem, suggesting that, for No. VI of the Daedalus, he send a continuation of his article on the Resistance of Mediums which had appeared in No. IV. In this letter he also intimated that he proposed to include in No. VI a description of Stjernhjelm's Linea Carolina, and that he hoped to accompany it with a life of Stjernhjelm to be written by his brother-in-law, Eric Benzelius.

On March 22, he arrived in Stockholm. His object there was to visit the Bergscollegium, of which he had so lately been made an Assessor Extraordinary; to study more closely the plans for the various projects Polhem and he had in hand; but more especially to write out some thoughts that had come to him concerning the Progress and Stoppage of the Earth and Planets--a work in which he adumbrates for the first time some Positions which, later, in his Principia, he dwells on at length.

He had already written out a formal plan for the establishment of an astronomical observatory; and this he now forwarded to Baron Fahlstrm,11 preparatory to its being presented to the King.

11 Baron Ludovic Fahlstrm (d. 1719) was the head of the Cammar Expedition, a committee which, under Charles XII, had charge of all civil matters, both provincial and state (Nordberg, Karl den XII, vol. II, p. 445).

From Stockholm, Emanuel wrote to Benzelius a letter dated MARCH 24, 1717:

Highly honored d: Brother:

The day before yesterday, I came here to Stockholm; intend to remain here till Easter, having pretty much to do before all that I have in mind is set in order. I got my Brother's letter from Stiernsund to Starbo, and could not answer until now, inasmuch as I made a little journey around the mining district. I thank my Brother who devotes such great care to the Daedalus, would wish that Doctor Roberg would be so good as to help it with copper engraving. If my brother would be pleased to follow up Daedalus VI with Stiernhielm's Linea Carolina, I stipulate that the latter's life also be added. This I should most heartily like to see, as it is worth while, and I have now little time to write up anything that demands speculation and quiet.

If the saltwork and the inland water passage,l are in a good way, I think it will win furtherance from his Majesty. I am now sending down to Deputy Councillor Fahlstrm the project for the obseuvatorium in Upsala. I suppose that his Majesty will approve it, and also will send to Upsala, to present a plan for setting up the Society. The outcome will likely show this perhaps between Easter and Pentecost.2 N. B. Prof. Elfvius is greeted, and is appealed to for his Linea Carolina. It does no harm that it is little acurat [exact]; can yet make me familiar with it. I beg for this, all too insistently, because I have already half promised it. Ah! if only I were so fortunate as to get Daedalus V ready before Easter, yes, and Daedalus VI, if that could be, to take them down with me to offer to his Majesty--perhaps the journey will be to Lund first; if it be possible, it ought to be done. To the sixth number also, the Latin is to be added opposite. In Gothenburg, I cashed my Brother's note on Magister [Rhyzelius] which I will make good.

1 I.e., the projected waterway to Stockholm.

2 For the year 1717 this is equivalent to "between April 21 and June 9."

Sister Anna is greeted a thousandfold; remaining

highly honored d: Brother's

most humble Servant and

most devoted Brother
Stockholm 1717 Eman: Swedberg
24 Mar.

Soon after the dispatch of this letter, Emanuel received word from his brother-in-law that the plate to illustrate the article on Polhem's tap, had been engraved, and that Daedalus No. V was now being printed. He also asked that another pair of kid gloves be purchased in Stockholm. It is probable that in this letter Benzelius informed him that the first installment of Polhem's work on Ungdoms Heder, etc. (see p. 87) was now printed. This work has been wrongly ascribed to Swedenborg. See Hyde no. 66 where its publication date is given as 1716 instead of 1717. The printed copy consists of twelve pages 16mo,--but bears no date.3 The work was advertised for the first time in the Stockholm Kundgirelser of April 2, 1717, as follows: "It is herewith announced that the Fifth [a mistake for Fourth] part of the so-called Daedalus Hyperboreus came out some time ago, containing [then follow the contents of Part IV]. The work for the whole year is sold for 32 styfwers4 by the bookseller on Nygatan and in Upsala.

3 The printing of this, Polhem's first published work, was never resumed.

4 A styfver = 2 re; 16 styiver = 1 daler.

"Also on sale is a little beginning of a Cursum Geometricum Arithmeticum och Mechanicum, called Wishetens 2: dra Grundwahl, published in Upsala."

In his reply to Benzelius's letter, Emanuel expressed his gratefulness for the care that had been bestowed on the Daedalus. He also referred to a little work on a Theory of the Earth which he was then writing.

A few days later, about March 30th, Swedberg was called upon by Polhem's two oldest daughters, Maria, aged nineteen, and Emerentia, nearly fifteen, who had lately arrived at Stockholm on a visit, probably to their Uncle, the Mathematical instrument maker. They delivered to him a letter from their father, dated MARCH 27:

Well-born Assessor:

At this opportunity, [when] I am sending my daughters Maja and Mensa to Stockholm, there is also sent a draft of the continuation of the former installment in Physicis,1 which I have not since given myself time to read through, and therefore it is the sense rather than the words which should be attended to.

Should Herr Vice-President Hierne2 find pleasure from the clean copy and approval thereof, it may be printed; but if any objection is made which demands more exact explanation, it is best to let it remain until the whole is properly finished.3

1 The "former installment" is the article on The Resistance of Mediums, printed in Daedalus IV; see p. 108.

2 Urban Hjärne (1641-1724), widely famed as mineralogist, chemist, physician, poet, and man of learning, was at this time Vice-President of the Bergscollegium (appointed 1713), and was thus Swedberg's superior. He was also President of the Medical College (appointed, 1696). He was the discoverer (1678) and exploiter of the medical springs at Medevi, which were now resorted to by persons of the highest rank. Hjärne was a close friend of Bishop Swedberg, with whom he had been associated in the work of revising the HYmnbook; in fact, the two men commenced the work privately in 1691 (Tottie, Jesper Swedbergs Lif, I. 91). But later an estrangement arose between them, owing perhaps in part-to an entire contrariety in disposition, for Bishop Swedberg was a pronounced royalist, while Hjärne was opposed and even bitterly opposed, to all royal power. The occasion of their estrangement will come to be noted later on.

3 The article never appeared in the Daedalus.

It is a very good idea that Stiernhielm's vita, science and learning be described, and it would do no harm if some serviceable carmina [verses] be set over it to the honor both of Sweden and of the person; the matter seems suitable for this.

In the degree that the sun gives to Sweden short and cold days in winter, in that degree are they longer and more lovely in summer, so that in this respect southerners have nothing to boast of when the year is up. So likewise also, though Sweden nourishes the most dull-witted people, whom other nations justly despise, yet, on the other hand, there are again lively ingenia [geniuses] who, on the other hand, call surpass and teach other nations, though in other places these two extrema [extremes] together constitute no more than intermedia [the average], or vice versa.

I am expecting the Herr Assessor at Easter, according to agreement. As yet no machine has been set going in Fahlun, on account of the cold, but this will probably be done in these days.

On Sunday [April 7], the rural Dean will be buried, when I and my wife will be there.4 Let me know what news is heard in Stockholm, for since the Dean's death, no journals have arrived, and since I shall soon leave on my journey, I am not bothering to order the same since it must be done for the whole year. I remain with very earnest greetings,

4 That is, in Husby, some two miles from Stiernsund, the seat of the Pastor of the district. The Pastor, Jacob Troilius, died on March 6, 1717.

Herr Assessor's

dutiful servant,
Stiernsund C: P:

27 March 1717
On the blank fourth page of Polhem's letter of March 27, 1717, Emanuel made the following notations (see Polhem Bref, p 276):

Write to Werner.1

1 That is, Werner in Upsala who printed part V of Daedalus Hyperboreus. It was published on April 1, and was presented to the King about May 22.

---- to Chronhielm.2

2 See p. 66 note.

---- to Cameen; ask concerning a box at the theatre. Show ------------------. Ask what ... ... ----.3

3 Words that are indecipherable.

---- to Cederstedt.4

4 Jonas Cederstedt (1659-1730). In 1713 he became a Councillor in the Bergscollegium.

Send to Hjärne.5

5 Probably refers to the sending of Daedalus Hyperboreus, pt. V. If by "Hjärne" is meant Dr. Hjärne the Vice-President of the Bergscollegium, Emanuel probably had in view his projected visit to the College to take the oath.

Sketch the proportions.

---- to Polhammer.

Write to the Librarian about sending the fine paper [edition] of Daedalus [Pt. V]; concerning my theoria [telluris]; greetings.6

6 This letter was written on April 5, 1717; see p. 153.

--- high hat [?]

Noble and highly esteemed H. Secretary.7 Since I am thinking to take the usual oath in the Bergscollegium tomorrow a.m. between 9 and 10, it is my humble request that the highly esteemed Herr Secretary will be pleased to announce this.8

7 Johan Frondberg (1668-1748) was Secretary to the Bergscollegium from 1713 to 1720. In the January preceding the time when Swedberg wrote him, he had been ennobled, and had taken the namely Bergenstierna. He became Assessor in 1720. See p. 300.

8 Here follows four illegible words.

This was followed, a week later, by another letter from Polhem, dated APRIL 3:

Well-born Herr Assessor:

My last letter and the package will probably have arrived with the children. As the time now approaches when the journey must presently be made, the Herr Assessor will be pleased to make his arrangements accordingly. His Majesty hastens our return to Lund; yet I will first go to Carlscrona, and then the Herr Assessor is at liberty to go down to Lund or to remain in Carlscrona. We all send earnest greetings to the Herr Assessor

and remain

the Herr Assessor's

dutiful and obedient Servant

C: P:
Stiernsund
April 3, 1717

P.S. It is not my intention that the second part of Meck. nat:5 shall be printed at this time, but that something can be extracted from it in illustration of the former part.

5 I.e.. The nature of Mechanics. This was the continuation of Polhem's paper on the resistance of mediums.

Before receiving this letter, Emanuel, already conscious of the fact that the time was drawing near when he must needs rejoin Polhem, and that he would then soon have another opportunity of seeing the King, wrote to Benzelius on APRIL 4:

Highly honored d: Brother:

My last letter has probably arrived. I now beg that my Brother will have the goodness to send over Daedalus V, so that twenty copies come on the fine paper and a portion on the other kind, since, both here and in Lund, I must complete theirs with the same paper as they had of the former copies. I might follow1 with the theoria telluris which I mentioned in my last. I intend to travel in a fortnight from yesterday.2 Should there be no opportunity of sending over the copies and the plate before then, I shall willingly stand for a special messenger who brought them with him, for the sake of the use they would serve me in Lund.

1 Presumably in Daedalus VI.

2 This would seem to indicate that between March 24th and April 4th, Swedenborg wrote a letter to Benzelius--now lost--in which he spoke of his theory of the earth; for in the letters now preserved, this is the first mention of that theory. It is not likely, however, for Benzelius was extremely careful in preserving letters.

I wonder what decision has been come to in respect to what has been laid before his Majesty concerning the Observatorio Coelesti, inland navigation, and the salt boilery, of which I will communicate information as opportunity offers;

will also communicate with Doctor Roberg with respect to the last-named, though the present time seems untimely for all good projects.

I leave with Brother G. Benzelius the remaining pair of kid gloves. I should like to hear when moster3 Brita Behm is expected from Upsala.

3 Moster, that is, mother's sister. Brita Behm (1670-1755) was a younger sister of Sarah Behm, Swedberg's mother. In 1684, when she was fourteen years old, she married Prof. Joh. Schwede of Upsala University, but became a widow in 1697. She was a woman of strong character and some wealth, had a fine house on the Mynttorg near the College of Mines. Her daughter Eva married Prof. Upmark (Rosenadler). See p. 60.

Greet all a thousandfold, remaining

highly honored d: Brother's

most faithful Brother

Eman : Swedberg
Stockholm, April 4, 1717.

P.S. If 20 to 30 copies of the first and second Daedalus be sent here when occasion offers, it would be well, since an announcement is published this week concerning the whole work and its price. I think I will preferably keep to some one seller for them, and give him a definite compensation, since the booksellers are unreasonable in setting a price on them, and so have but few sales; yet, to my account is paid 2 styvers less than the price that is fixed for them. For the fourth Daedalus, Rger has asked no less than to styfers, and has refused those who offered 16, when yet they ought to be sold for 8. If d: Brother will be pleased to print the price on the fifth, in case it is not already in print,4 I will see to it that I trust myself to one certain person.

4 As Daedalus V was already printed before Swedberg's letter was received, this advice could not be followed. Moreover, the number was printed without a title-page. No price was put on any issue of the Daedalus.

Wishetens andra grundwahl is sold out at Rger's; if more could be sent, it would be well. I wonder if it is sold out in Upsala, which I am desirous of knowing in order to see whether a continuation will pay me. Here it has been sold for 5 styfwers; perhaps I shall get back 1-1/2.

On Saturday, April sixth, two days after writing this letter, Emanuel presented himself at the Bergscollegium, where, probably, for the first time, he met Urban Hjärne. Here his warrant as Assessor Extraordinary was read, and after taking the oath, he was allotted his place at the council table.

Being the youngest Assessor, this was the lowest place, just below Anders Swab5 who had been appointed December 8, 1716, a few days before his own appointment. He continued in daily attendance at the College until April seventeenth.

5 The same who was Emanuel's cousin, brother-in-law, and stepbrother; see p. 71, note 7.

During this time he found in the Archives of the College6 an article by Polhem on the curved course of bullets when shot from a gun. This he decided to insert in his Daedalus No. VI, adding to it an easy method of calculating this course. With the coming number of the Daedalus in mind, he also prepared (somewhat hastily, as he afterwards confessed) articles on testing ship models, on human life as consisting of tremulations, and on the geometrical calculation of the secants of an are.

6 Daed. Hyper. VI, p. 1.

On April seventeenth, at the meeting of the Bergscollegium, he received leave of absence to go to Karlskrona as Polhem's assistant. This was four days before Easter, when he was to rejoin Polhem at Stiernsund. Probably, however, he received word from Polhem that the latter could not at once depart. At any rate, instead of going to Stiernsund, Emanuel went to Upsala and spent the Easter week with his sister and brother-in-law, taking with him the material for Daedalus VI, and also the MS. on Finding the Longitude which he had completed in Stockholm, and which was to be printed in Upsala. Toward the end of his visit, he accompanied his brother-in-law to the latter's country estate Ribbenbeck;7 which the family occasionally visited for rest and recreation.8 It was while at Ribbenbeck that Emanuel left his host without so much as taking leave--perhaps he had an unexpected offer of conveyance--and rejoined Polhem in Stiernsund, when the two journeyed together to Karlskrona. Here Emanuel resumed his work in connection with the great dam for the dry dock, after which he took advantage of Polhem's permission to attend on the King in Lund, where he arrived on May twenty-second, proudly to present to his Royal Majesty the Swedish-Latin Daedalus V. It was while in Lund that he wrote a Memorial to the King pleading, among other things, for the freeing of workmen from the domination of the trade guilds.

The Memorial is undated, but since it was read in the Handels Expedition on June 11, 1717, it was probably written on JUNE 10:

7 A small estate situated about 14 miles west of Upsala. It belonged to Eric Benzelius until his death in 1743.

8 Schck, Frn det Forna Upsala, p. 133.

MEMORIAL

If manufactures are to be expected here in Sweden, the following Ordinances are highly necessary:

1 Instead of no more master workmen getting leave to become such, than those whom the Guilds in the cities permit at their discretion, each and every one who is able and willing to be a master should be permitted to become such, unhindered and without being reckoned as a dabbler or dishonorable in his craft, especially those who work with their own materials, and have no other means of support.

2 And, in order that the number of hand workers in the country might be more greatly increased--which is a cause leading to a good sale of their products, and a good sale, a cause of larger returns, and larger returns, a cause leading to profit and culture for the country--no other handworkers should be tolerated save those who can be counted, as either masters, journeymen, or apprentices; that is, he who is not willing to support journeymen and apprentices in his shop, who could do the coarser work for a better sale than can the master himself who must support wife and children--such man must either serve as a journeyman under another master, or serve as a soldier, and, nevertheless, practice his trade wherever he can.

3 Since all such free Masters who become such without the Guild's permission and their rules and standards, would hardly be able to carry on under the Guild Master's law and the Guild Ordinances, therefore an inferior judge in the country and in the cities should alone have charge of them; and, in order that he might the more faithfully and willingly enlarge and improve the work and manufacture, his sole and foremost merit should consist in this same; so that whenever an inferior judge wishes to seek advancement with the King, he must first show how many masters have been added during his time; and the one who shows the best proof in this matter, would be the nearest to advancement.

4 And, in order the more to stress the increase of handwork and manufacture, each citizen should not only receive them as per inventory, but when selling them should be responsible for any lack in them when another receives them after him. So long as the King's Ordinances in this case are not disobeyed by them, they should be given a free hand in all that serves their continuance and increase. Indeed, it would do no harm if, after every third year, they give a report of those which have become increased, and those which have diminished, lest any long neglect herein should in time give rise to an incurable case.

5 All new workshops which ire not under the Guild master should enjoy, for twenty years, freedom from all taxes, whether foreign or domestic, this freedom to commence from the time when the master employs at least three or four persons.

6 And, to the end that each and every master may bring his workshop to the greatest number of persons, they should have rank and honor over each other, not according to age, but according to the number of persons at their workshop.

7 The settlement and contract on which the master and journeymen agree, must first be confirmed in writing with witnesses, and must be rightly observed by both sides; and, that none may make an agreement of which he afterwards repents, no contract should be concluded until the journeyman is over fifteen years old, and before it has been before each of the parties so long as they desire.

8 If any journeyman wishes to journey abroad for his work, he may do so, if only he enters a guarantee that he will return within a certain time, provided he is living and has good health.

9 A judge should decide all disputes between masters, journeymen, apprentices, in accordance with the contract, circumstances, understanding, and the rules which can be drawn from the Ordinances respecting mining, guilds, workmen, houses and hired servants; but other and higher matters, such as come under the usual courts, will remain as before.

As already stated, this Memorial was read by the Handels Expedition on June 11. On the same day the Expedition also read a Memorial by Polhem, outlining the work on the proposed canal, and suggesting that Russian prisoners of war be employed at the work. The result was not long in coming; for on June 13th the King authorized the formation of a shareholding company to build locks to Vennersborg, and, as an inducement to investors, he gave the company freedom from all future taxes;

the privilege of charging shippers whatsoever they pleased; the right to a profit of twenty per cent; and he denied all shippers the use of the former land route, if they found the canal rates too high.9

9 Bring, Trollhhtten, p. 325

No such success seems to have been in sight with respect to the observatory. Swedberg had already sent a memorial on this subject to Baron Fahlstrm, the head of the Cammar Expedition. This Committee would necessarily deal with the matter in the first place, but for the expenditure of funds, it must also come before the Handels Expedition. Therefore, while in Lund, Emanuel brought the matter to the attention of Bernard Cederholm, the Secretary of the Handels Expedition. He had, however, little prospect of success, as Cederholm thought that the request for an observatory should come from the Upsala Collegium Curiosorum, or "Society" as Emanuel sometimes calls it, and not from a private individual.

From Lund, Emanuel wrote to his brother-in-law on JUNE 26:

Highly honored d: Brother:

Since I journeyed from Upsala, I have neither returned thanks nor anything else for the last hospitality. The excuse for my departing from Ribbingbeck so hastily without taking leave, has without doubt been announced by others on my behalf. Five weeks ago, when I came here to Lund, I offered Daedalus V to his Majesty, who was pleased with it, and even more. For the rest, I have communicated with Secretary Cederholm the proposal regarding the Observatorium, but have found him cool-minded to it, because it did not come direct from the Society in Upsala. Yet, one must await opportunity. The Councillor of Commerce1 has adopted the attitude of not bothering himself about anything save what concerns himself; for he has noticed that a mass of new things is debited to him, which he has had very little knowledge of. Yet the salt boilery goes, and to it his Majesty has resolved to grant great and weighty privileges which will likely induce many covetous persons to venture their means on it; and should interessenter [shareholders] be lacking in other places, Lund, with its deputy councillors, should do the most.

The establishment of canal locks between Gothenburg and Wennersborg is also in a good way.

1 Polhem.

For the rest, I have had to busy myself with a new system of numbering which his Majesty has hit upon, namely, to let the numbering go on to 64 before it turns, in the same way that the ordinary numbering turns at 10. He has himself dictated for it new characters, new names, etc. He has written and changed a great deal with his own hand. This I have in my custody, and in time it will deserve to be a monument for some library. The system of numbering is difficult in multiplication, etc., but in solutions it has its use and importance in extractione radicum Qv: et cub: et Biqvadr:2 all of which are contained in 64, as well as consisting of lesser numbers. His Majesty has powerful penetration.

2 The extraction of square, cube, and biquadratic roots.

Sister Anna and little Brother Eric are greeted a thousandfold.

Remaining, highly honored Brother's

most faithful serv.

Eman: Swedb.
Lund: 1717
26 June.

P.S. The foregoing I wrote [for] the last post. The salt company's privileges have since been signed. They are fairly good, to wit, that, together with the Herr Councillor of Commerce they will have interressera [shareholders] in a salt company; that they have freedom to purchase whatever woods there are; to choose whatever place they will; to have twenty years freedom from all taxes, and for all time afterwards never to be liable for more than one-half of the duty or tax which foreign salt [pays]; that, after the company has been formed, which consists of 200,000 shares--a share being of 1 marck silvermynt3 no other company will be permitted; that they enter their names before the end of September; for the rest, he promises many other advantages whenever required.

If any one in Upsala wishes to enter his name, he will do it before that time through Assessor Cameen in Stockholm.4 Here, in the city, we have already got bespeakings for from 30 to 40,000 shares; according to all appareance, it will be filled within the aforesaid limit. The total sum will amount to 50,000 daler silvermynt.

3 Four marck s.m. was equal to 1 daler s.m. or 3 d. k.m.; or, 1 marck s.m. was equal to 8 styvers s.m. or 24 st. k.m. The low price of the shares was due probably to the universal scarcity of ready money, especially silver. This is indicated in a letter written by Polhem from Karlscrona on December 19th, 1717, long after the time limit for subscriptions, where he says: "The subscribers here in Karlskrone ask that they pay in notes or else be stricken from the list" (Bring, Chr. Polhem, p. 54).

4 The company was advertised in the Stockholm Kundgirelser of August 6, 1717. Erland Cameen (1670-1729) was an assessor in the Kommerskollegium. See p. 85, note 2.

This week I shall probably journey to Warberg; Udvalla, Strmstad, to look out suitable locations. Meanwhile, all good friends are greeted.

P.S. Within eight days we journey from here. How goes it with Daedalus VI?5

5 This issue ought to have appeared in April.

I have twice talked with Deputy Councillor Liljenstedt concerning Doctor Rudbeck's yachts, who promises the best outcome, and says that already he has several times made application in respect to them.6

6 In 1667 the government granted Prof. Olaf Rudbeck, Sr., the privilege tax-free of sailing two yachts three times a week between Upsala and Stockholm for the carriage of passengers and mail. As the fare (2-1/2 dal. s.m.) was one-third the coach fare, the business was a profitable one. After Rudbeck's death it was carried on by Rudbeck's widow; but in 1717--the year of the present letter--application was made to transfer the privilege to her son, Olaf Rudbeck, Sr. (Annerstedt 2: 2: pp. 253-4) It was probably in connection with this transfer that Emanuel called on Johan Lilljenstedt (1655-1732), the head of the Utrikes Expedition (Foreign Commission). (Nordberg, 2, p. 445) At any rate on August 22, two months after the date of the present letter, Carl XII granted the request for the transfer (Annerstedt, 3: p. 161). Doctor Rudbeck wished to save his yachts from being requisitioned by the navy. It is somewhat amusing to read concerning these yachts, that "to protect the so-called honorable class from unnecessary annoyance, the captains were instructed to keep order among the common folk, that those under the deck do not annoy the other passengers with tobacco smoking, drunkenness and other annoyances like brute beasts." Forsstrand, Lind, p. 8n, quoted from Annerstedt, Olof Rudbeck d..

During his six or seven weeks in Lund, Emanuel talked with the King only twice. He seems to have been on his guard against presuming on any grace the King had shown him during the preceding December. Many sought audience of the King for the purpose of asking favors, and the actions of Emanuel, as also of others, were not unnoticed by the eyes of jealousy. Indeed, Emanuel seems to have suspected that something of the sort was present with Polhem, who had now joined his assistant in Lund.

The talks with the King were in part a continuation of those held last December concerning the invention of a new system of numbering, and Emanuel probably commenced at this time to write out that illustration of the new system which he subsequently submitted to Eric Benzelius, see pp. 165, 200.

The Daedalus and the attention that had been called to it by the King on several occasions, gave Swedberg some fame as a mathematician, and there were not wanting in Lund persons of importance who suggested that he follow up his work for the advancement of science in Sweden, by writing a treatise on Algebra in Swedish, for up to now no such work had ever been published. Moreover, following the King's pattern, it began to be the fashion to dabble in algebra. See p. 170.

When Polhem and his Assistant left Lund, they traveled through Skne, Halland, and Bohuslan to Stramstad via Uddevalla, investigating the possibilities of various locations for the establishment of salt boileries, and at the same time, seeking to interest many persons in the new Salt Company, with a view to their buying shares. Little success seems to have attended these efforts, for as late as September 24th, an advertisement appeared in the Stockholm Kundgirelser inviting intending shareholders to send their application to Polhem in Karlscrona before the end of the month, and promising that the company would sell salt at the works for 2 d. s. m. a tun.

Emanuel returned to Brunsbo in August. On one occasion during his stay here, while he was traveling on some business, he learned from a peasant that a soldier in a neighboring parish had told him of the existence of hot springs in the immediate neighborhood of the parish, Emanuel was naturally very interested, but since the soldier lived some distance off his route, he could not pursue the matter. When he returned to Brunsbo, he communicated the information to his cousin Doctor Hesselius,7 who had his home with Bishop Swedberg, and asked him to look further into it.

7 Johan Hesselius (1087-1752) was the son of Maria Bergia, Bishop Swedberg's sister-in-law. In 1714 he became public physician for West Gothland, and made his permanent home with his uncle the Bishop.

At Brunsbo, Emanuel found a condition which at once aroused his interest, both in a practical way and as a writer; namely, a great falling off in the supply of printing paper--a commodity which was as the breath of life to his father and almost equally so to himself. The cause was the falling off of imports, due to the war. The establishment of a domestic manufacture came at once to his mind as the proper remedy. He therefore entered into an arrangement with his father and Maria Christina Bonde, the widow of General Lars Hjrta, that the three of them should form a stock company for the operation of a paper mill to be built at a waterfall on the river Mossan at Frmmestad on the Bonde estate, some few miles east of Trollhtten.

With this in view, Swedberg drew up a Memorial to the King, asking for privileges. The Memorial is undated, but must have been written at the END OF AUGUST, 1717, since it was received in Lund by the Handels Expedition on September 1.

Since in many places there are sites suitable for the establishment of paper manufacturing, and at the present time, in view of the lack in its importation, one holds that its manufacture is highly necessary, both for the use of printing and for other needs, therefore certain interessanter together with myself, are disposed to establish such a manufactory, in one or two places, provided that His Majesty would graciously grant them freedom, to wit:

1. That without hindrance, they might establish it on some free land by a river, without injury to ally individual's private rights, and without hindrance to other manufactories and works.

2. That they then be undisturbed at all times, and their property be settled on them.

3. As in the case of other works and establishments, there should also be granted them some years freedom from taxes, until they are in a condition to pay them.

4. And that, since one has difficulty in procuring suitable men, either they might procure them from foreign lands, or might seek men well experienced in such work at other factories here at home. As is the case at other factories, such workmen should have the benefit of being freed from conscription, etc.1

1 In view of the fact that Charles XII was seizing every available man for the purpose of his projected attack on Norway, this provision was highly necessary.

5. Since the procuring of the necessary materials has hitherto hindered the advancement of many such factories,2 His Majesty should grant that the public pay some small part of their taxes in rags and old cloths, in the following way, namely, that when any one brings the said rags of wool or linen up to a certain weight to persons authorized by the owners of the factory and receives a note as a receipt therefor, the sheriff or landlord shall receive the said note as good for the taxes, he in turn to get the due payment from the owner of the factory, for which payment the factory is pledged.

2 The reference is to factories in foreign lands, for up to 1820, the only paper made in Sweden was made by a small mill in Upsala.

6. And that, the better to induce the public to bring such goods, the factory's representative or the factory itself, be permitted to exchange the aforesaid rags for groceries and other wares serviceable to peasants.

Eman. Swedberg

in utmost humility.

This memorial is undated, but it is marked as having been received on September 1, 1717. Apparently little attention was paid to it, for on November 2nd, Bishop Swedberg felt under the necessity of writing to the King and reminding him of the matter. His letter is officially stamped "granted," but despite this, nothing further is heard about the matter--which is not surprising, owing to the disturbed and impoverished state of the country.

In September, Emanuel left Brunsbo for Karlskrona, to be present at the lowering of the great dam on September 17th. The bottom of this dam had been fitted with hides and also with boards which, being fastened at one end only, could move up or down according to the nature of the ocean bed on which they rested. It was hoped that these would serve to fill up any gaps resulting from the difference between the ocean floor and the bottom of the dam. The lowering of the immense structure, 70 feet long and 22 feet high, was a difficult task,3 and was watched with great interest. The result, however, was somewhat disappointing, as the bottom of the dam did not prevent a free flow of water. This was indeed remedied in time as the sand and stones at the bottom of the sea gradually filled in the gaps, but it was not until August 1718 that the water held in by the dam could be pumped out and the work of blasting the rock for the dry dock commenced.4 Meanwhile, criticism was not lacking.

3 How it was done is described by Swedberg; see his Chemistry, p. 234

4 Bring, Chr. Polhem, p. 51.

While at Karlskrona, Emanuel wrote a short letter to his brother-in-law concerning his doings, in which, among other things, he spoke of a hot spring in West Gothland, of which he had heard.

With the completion of the dam, Swedberg's work with Polhem was finished, nor was there any prospect of its being resumed until the matter of building the canal lock had been decided on.

A company for building the locks to connect the Gothenburg Canal with Lake Venner had indeed been authorized by the King, but despite all the privileges granted it, few or no subscribers could be found to risk their money on what was thought to be an impossible task. Therefore, at the end of October, Polhem sent from Karlskrona a memorial praying the King to defray the cost of a single trial lock at Karlsgraf.5 This, however, was still in abeyance, and in the absence of any immediate work, Emanuel went to Gothenburg and Uddevalla, in the interests of the proposed Salt Company, and from there to his home in Brunsbo where he arrived in the latter part of November. Previous to this, however, he had received a letter from his brother-in-law in Upsala, informing him that in June, one of the students there, Birgher Vassenius,6 had delivered before the Philosophical Faculty a "mathematical dissertation" on the Planet Venus, which he had subsequently printed with a dedication to his father, Polhem, and Emanuel Swedberg, lauding the latter for his Daedalus Hyperboreus and for his "lately published" treatise on Finding the Longitude.7 Benzelius accompanied this information with an inquiry as to whether Emanuel could find some office for Vassenius. Emanuel unfortunately could not do any thing then, but later, as will be seen, he did endeavor to secure Vassenius as one of his own assistants (see Bring, Trollhtten, p. 71).

5 Bring, Chr. Polhem, p. 326.

6 Birger Vassenius (1687-1771) was the son of a peasant soldier and was born in Vassende (whence his name) near Vennersborg. He was therefore in the diocese of Bishop Swedberg, and was a pupil of the school at Skara. He entered Upsala in 1712, and five years later had already distinguished himself as an astronomer (see p. 232, note 14).

7 The reference is to Swedberg's article on Finding the Longitude which appeared in Daedalus IV.

At the beginning of December, soon after his arrival at Brunsbo, Emanuel wrote to his brother-in-law a letter dated DECEMBER 1717:

Highly honored d: Brother:

From Carlscrona I sent some lines, and since then have now come to Brunsbo, where for the present I think to remain until Christmas. From here I have less distance in order to correspond with d: Brother. When I came here, I found d: Father away on a journey to Lund on behalf of the Consistory.1

It is my wish that all may go well; he had indeed no permission to take the journey, yet I hope that his commission and good friends will make his excuse.

1 Bishop Swedberg's object in going to Lund was to see the King in order "to seek some relief for the teachers and the priesthood, because the grain which they received as compensation was held in sequestration"; and "to secure from the King freedom from the burdens that oppressed him personally,"--as, for instance, that he might retain his conscripted coachman (Tottie, II 198-99). Neither of these requests was likely to please the King who needed all that he could obtain for his contemplated attack on Norway.

I hear that little Brother Eric2 has gone to Upsala to get the smallpox; I should be deeply sorry if any harm befell him therewith. I am longing to hear of his recovery; his liveliness gives a bad omen that he should make it for a long time, yet it rests with God to change this.

2 Then twelve years old.

I am writing to Mons. Vassenius as I could not do it earlier because he was at a place which I had no knowledge of; would like to do something in the matter of the stipendium dupplex3 and anything else for his service, but the obstaclen [obstacles] are these: If any one opens up anything before his Majesty which does not properly belong to his office, one knows well the answer; then, if any one should be relied on to present it, it would be Secretary Cederholm who will do nothing without R.3a The Herr Councillor of Commerce has submitted to things but only obtained a decision on the saltwork. I got to talk with his Majesty no more than two times, and that was all concerning fancies in mathesis, puzzles in algebra, etc.; for the sake of the Herr Councillor of Commerce, I have sought with all diligence not to get this grace more often. At some other place, should I alone have the say, I will seek to do something for Mons: Vassenius's benefit; meanwhile, I have done what I could, and for the present have had the Herr Councillor of Commerce and my Father keep him in mind.4

3 The reference is perhaps to the two stipendiaries or apprentices in the Mechanical Laboratory; see p. 118 and note 2.

3a Since the Privy Council was ignored by the King, R perhaps refers to the King's Chaplain Rhyzelius; see pp. 126, 168.

4 Both Bishop Swedberg and Eric Benzelius showed great favor to Vassenius. In 1727 the former procured for him the lectorship in Astronomy in Gothenburg. Bishop Swedberg wished him to become Lector at Skara, but he remained in Gothenburg until 1751 when he retired and settled in his birthplace (Skarstedt, p. 185).

To Professor Vallerius is presented my most dutiful greeting, as also to Sister Anna. Remaining

Highly honored d: Brother's

most faithful Brother and Servant

Eman : Swedberg
Brunsbo : Dec. 1717

While in Brunsbo, Emanuel received a letter from his father telling about his reception by the King in Lund, and his preaching in Malm. From Malm he had now returned to Lund, and was preparing for a disputation on his Schibboleth.5

5 The title of a book published by Bishop Swedberg in 1716, advocating the retention of the old Swedish inflections, and a reformation of Swedish spelling to conform with pronunciation, e. g., jag for jagh; gamla for gambla. The disputation on the book was held January 4, 1718. The later development of the language favored his spelling reform, but not the retention of the old inflections (26 Fryzell, 98).

Having for the time no professional occupation, Emanuel now devoted himself to literary work. First he set to work on that new system of numbering which had been suggested to him by the King. But, mindful of the inability of Swedish printers to supply the necessary new type, and of the difficulties of a system having its turning point at sixty-four, even though he had the King's own exposition of this system, he confined himself to a simpler system based on eight. This he worked out with new characters and illustrative applications in multiplication, division, etc., and so produced a small treatise to which he added a preface to the Reader. He hoped to have the work printed that he might present it to Charles XII in person. He also began the writing of a Swedish Algebra.

While he was yet at the very commencement of the latter work, he interrupted his literary labors to indite a letter to Benzelius dated JANUARY 7, 1718:

Highly honored d: Brother:

Enclosed I send something which I have had time to write up here at Brunsbo. It is a new system of numbers, which I got a line on when I was in Lund. His Majesty was right well pleased with a numbering of this kind, and himself made the characters, names and rules therefor; but that went up to 64 before there was any shift. I have 2 arks on this matter, written by himself, which shall become the Library's.1

This numbering goes to 8 before it shifts, and it would be of great usefulness if it could come into use. The examples should show this. It is left to be looked over by Professor Vallerius and then to be printed in 8vo. I have also another in 8vo which shall be joined with it.

1 These sheets, though later referred to by Swedberg as being in his possession, are now lost. See p. 463 and Misc. Observations, p. 116.

Since I now have time here at Brunsbo, I will write up something which shall be sent on, that I think will be pleasing to the publicum. I have something ready for two posts. If Mons. Vassenius would take on himself the trouble of looking after the proofreading, I ought to find opportunity to serve him in turn; opportunity may occur frequently.

D: Father is still in Lund. He is preparing to dispute his Schibboleth which has probably already been done. Sandell2 has got the Hemmora pastorate and a Samuel Hesselius is to journey in his stead.

2 Andreas Sandell (1671-1741), the father of Samuel Sandell (ennobled Sandels), a familiar friend of Swedenborg in his later years, who delivered the Eulogium over him after his death. Andreas Sandell returned from his pastorate in Wicaca (now Swedesboro, N. J.) in 1717 (Acrelius, p. 256).

D: Brother will please excuse the hastiness. There is something to be attended to at a fair. Meanwhile, I wish d: Brother a good blessed new year and much pleasure and gladness. Sister Anna and little Brother Eric are greeted, Remaining

Highly honored d: Brother's

most faithful Brother
Jan. 7, 1718 Eman : Swedberg

P.S. If anything in the preface is to be corrected, my Brother will kindly have the care thereof, and help me to hotter, now as before.

Something will indeed come of the Saltwork if selfishness does not rule too powerfully, which, it is to be regretted, is making some considerable beginning; I ward it off as much as I can. I think that I will entirely withdraw my hand therefrom so that the blame may not fall on me, in case it should go lamely and slowly. Meanwhile, I think it will not stand on any good footing unless C. Polhem is supported as much as he had thought. The salt may well turn out to be tolerably good like the Luneberg salt, quite serviceable for cooking purposes. More another time.

After writing the above, Emanuel completed his Regel Konst (literally, Rule-Art) being a small work on Algebra.3

3 This was the first book on the subject ever to be published in the Swedish language, and the first to introduce the differential calculus to Swedish readers. It was therefore necessary for the author to introduce new terms, e.g., circle-step (degree), water line (horizontal), touch line (tangent), throw-line (parabola). But although Swedberg's was the first published Swedish book on Algebra, there were earlier Swedish works, but in MS. only. The Regel Konst was published in 1717. In the following year, were printed Duhre's Lectures on Algebra, a work which was more systematic than the somewhat hastily written Regel Konst. For a very fair review of the latter, written in 1889, see Enestrm's Swedenborg ssom Matematiker in K. Vet. Akad. Handl. 15, afd. I. no. 12.

Meanwhile, he received letters both from his father and from Benzelius. The former told him of the disputation, in defence of Schibboleth. The letter is now lost, but its contents can be inferred from a letter which the Bishop sent to his friend and relative John Rosenadler, the Royal Censor Librorum, dated Brunsbo, February 28, 1718:

"With respect to the Schibboleth, I had foreseen the same criticism, especially from Vice-President Hjärne, who formerly was one with me in everything and we were mighty good friends and brothers; but only in the Jagh, migh, etc., and in the doubled vowels were we in disagreement, yet without the least ill will against each other. But I know all too well his disposition--that with ill-natured words and judgment he spares no one, whoever he may be, who does not make one with him. Thus I expected such criticism from him; .... But that in his work now being printed, he is mighty abusive against other honest men and especially against myself 4--this moves me somewhat; yet not so greatly, because this springs from his presumption which arrogates to himself wisdom and authority in all fields... Such has been his character, and such it remains. When his Majesty was so gracious as to command me to come forward with my Schibboleth in the hall of learning, and publicly to present it and submit it to the examination of the learned,5 all went well; but a theological professor began a very violent attack....

The displeasure, however, was not so much at this, but at other things in the letter respecting priests and their oath, 'his high Grace' and 'Misses,' etc., which is somewhat challenging and hard for the priests and gentle folk of our times.6 For in Lund there were eminent persons of both orders ... who worked eagerly on the King that the disputation might be cancelled, but in vain. The other professors were much milder, and the disputation lasted from 9 till 2, all in fine style and merrily.... The next day I had to tell the whole thing to his Majesty (for on the day when the disputation was held, it was so bitterly cold that the King could not come up, as his Majesty had intended; he himself told me this7) and then there was a grave disputation between the King and myself for two hours running, in the presence of many high gentlemen. All was done graciously, all earnestly and decorously, so that they had nothing to make themselves merry with, but got to hear the stern truth which previously they had feared, knowing my disposition not to stick anything under the chair.

So much concerning this. I got the Vice-President's work from the King as a loan for eight days. I read it with astonishment. How abusive he is! and he himself wholly inconsistent and incorrect in his orthography.... But I am letting it rest until I can see the whole work, and in good time call show his mischievous practice I spoke of the whole thing to his Royal Majesty, and of Hjärne's nature, in that he spares no one, however high, etc., etc.... The letters in the Schibboleth by the Magister and Land Steward they could not endure."8

4 In his book opposing the Schibboleth, Hjärne made the grossest insinuations against Bishop Swedberg's honesty in his office as Bishop. See Tottie, Jrsp. Svedbergs Lif, II 237, cited below on p. 195.

5 The facts of the case, as given by the Bishop himself, are that when in audience with the King, he spoke of Hjärne's bitter attack on the Schibboleth, the King went into his room and produced Hjne's book Orthographia Suecana. The Bishop then offered to hold a public disputation in his own defence. To this the King consented and lent him Hjärne's book (Swedberg, Lefv. Beskrif., 568). The disputation was held Jan. 3, from 9 a.m. to 2 p.m. (Swedberg, Hedersfrsvr, p. 6).

6 In the course of his Schibboleth, Bishop Swedberg attacks the priests for buying their preferments, and the gentry for their insistence on being addressed with high sounding titles. See p. 169, note 8.

7 It seems strange that a man of Charles XII's hardihood, would be deterred from attending the disputation because of the cold, especially since it was his habit to attend all disputations (Carlsson, Gamla Lund, p. 52). The King undoubtedly held Bishop Swedberg, his father's favorite, in high respect, but the Bishop may have exaggerated the meaning of this respect. At any rate, this is indicated in the diary kept by the King's Chaplain, Rhyzelius, who writes under date of November 30, 1717: "Bishop Swedberg preached, at which the King was not well satisfied, and asked me the next morning, why the Bishop had preached. I said that he had not asked me about it, but had adduced his office and the King's command. Then said the King: He has authority to preach in his own diocese; and he added, He does not preach as well as he did before the late King, for he is now old. The same Bishop pushed himself forward in the Academy with a disputation on his Schibboleth, to defend it in a public disputation. But his royal Majesty did not attend and the disputation did not come off to the Bishop's honour and pleasure" (Helander, Rhyzelius, p. 81). But Rhyzelius himself may have been moved by jealousy.

8 The reference is to two specimen letters, written in the style of the time, full of high sounding titles, of varying orthography, and interspersed with Latin and French words--all of which Bishop Swedberg criticizes in detail; see Schibboleth, p. 441 seq.

It was probably the dispute of Hjärne with his father,* that led Emanuel to read the former's Acta Chemica Holmiensium, being an account of chemical experiments carried on by Hjärne at the Chemical Laboratory of the College of Mines. Emanuel did not think much of the work.

* An interesting account of this dispute is given in Wrangel 202-6.

The letter from Benzelius contained a request for further particulars as to the warm spring of which Emanuel had previously written. Such a spring (he added) was said to have been discovered in Sdermanland, and perhaps there were others in West Gothland. Benzelius also inquired as to how the sinking of the dam in Karlscrona had gone off.

In his reply, Emanuel encloses the MS. of his recently completed Regel Konst, with the intention of having the work printed in Upsala. This reply was received by Benzelius on January 14th, and was therefore sent from Brunsbo on JANUARY 11 or 12:

9 Whether the work had really been completed, or whether only a part of the MS. was sent to Benzelius, is not clear. What is known is, that as published in Upsala in 1718, while the title-page announced that it consisted of "ten books," the printed work contained only seven books. Moreover, it lacked the numerous figures referred to throughout the text.

Highly honored d: Brother:

Since I have had some moments leisure here in Brunsbo, I have composed a Regal Konst or an Algebra in Swedish, though I have hid at hand not a single book or helpful material. I have sought to present it with all possible ease and brevity; it is not likely to be more than 6 printed arks.1

I have been led to compose it mainly because so many persons in Lund and Stockholm are beginning to algebraicera [work at algebra], moreover, I have been invited to do it by one or two persons; for I hope good service will be made of it by publico [the public]. I should like it to be put in print, now as always, under my Brother's care, in 8vo, like the one I sent over before, so that they may go into one volume; I have still enough for the Daedalus. It should be a good type--would be well were it better than the andra grundwahlen.2 As regards the cost, d: Brother shall at once be repaid whenever [the money left with him] is exhausted. If there is any algebraicus in Upsala who would look after the correctur [proofreading], for the one who has to do with this must have knowledge therein, this service will be returned as opportunity offers.

1 The printed work fills eight and a half arks.

2 The title of Polhem's little work; see p. 83.

Can it be true that Bishop Gezelius3 received orders to nominate priests, etc., for his diocese? then the professors' offices are also vacant. In such case, the recommendations of the Councillor of Commerce and of some others should be of avail with the proper authorities.

3 Johan Gezelius (1647-1718) succeeded his father as Bishop in bo in 1690, but when the Russians took Finland in 1713, he fled to Sweden where he died. Early in 1718, steps were taken for making peace with Russia, and the return of Finland and the restoration of Gezelius' diocese was expected. In the Diet of 1714, however, Gezelius had opposed the warlike policy of Charles XII, and therefore he experienced the King's disfavor (28 Fryxell, 115-1G). Hence the note of surprise in Swedberg's question.

If there could be a delay in sending out the Contenta of the Daedalus, I greatly wish that something more mature come out first, which I have in view, if only there were time and quiet therefor. One part in the Daedalus has been done with too little reflection; this I wish to replace with something else.4

By spring, I intend to have one thing or another completely ready--of which, more at another time.

4 Daedalus VI had not yet been printed, nor was it printed until October. Swedberg, however, does not seem to have had time or inclination to replace the part that had been done "with too little reflection." Presumably the reference is to the brief sketch on human life as consisting of tremulations. In 1719, after the Daedalus had been given up, he rewrote this in greatly enlarged form, but half of the work is now lost. Both works were translated by Prof. C. Th. Odhner and published by the Mass. New Church Union, in 1899, under the title Tremulation.

I have had the pleasure of receiving two letters, one enclosed in d: Father's, the other sent with Magister Varolin;5 but the one sent with Gothenburg's carrier, I have not yet seen; I think he must have taken it with him farther on.

5 Nicol. Jonas Warolin (1702-1734) who, in 1719, became lector, and in 1725 professor of philosophy in Skara Gymnasium. He was ordained in 1727. At the time Swedberg wrote, he had come from Upsala to become instructor in the Skara gymnasium.

Of the salt spring in Srmanland [Sadermanland], I have heard nothing; would like further information thereof, especially whether there were woods around it. I know of two inland springs,6 and have seen and tested them; but aside from the fact that they are close to the sea, there are no woods whatever around them, nor any peat, and they are weak, namely, 2 lod of salt in one sklpund,7 that is, 2 lod in 32 lods of water--though those in Germany are no stronger either. The sea at Strmstad or in Bohuslan, when it is at its strongest, as in winter, is two-loded, that is, it holds 2 lods of salt in 32 lods of water. In Smland also I know of a salt spring, but there likewise there are no woods in the neighhorhood. I am waiting to hear something more of the one in Srmanland. I hope to get along well with the saltwork, if selfishness does not wish to have too strong a hand in it.

6 The reference is to inland salt springs which Swedberg had seen in Bohuslan.

7 The Swedish sklpund equals about 15 ounces.

As to the warm baths which are supposed to be found here in Westergyllen, there is no certainty about them. The circumstances were as follows: When I was traveling to Grlle, Gouv: Hrdz's8 estate, to carry out some business, I had a peasant with me, whom I asked concerning all kinds of springs, and among them concerning salt springs and concerning hot springs. He then said that a soldier living in the next parish had told him that a spring of hot water would be found in the neighborhood; it would be boiling hot. I offered as an objection that he likely meant some of those in foreign countries, when he answered that it would be found right there in the neighborhood; and this he had protested with the utmost assurance.

Since it was some distance to the above-mentioned soldier, I left the matter and gave it in commissis [as one of the commissions] to Doctor Hesselius who has not yet inquired concerning it. Possibly it is so, but who in Upsala has related anything concerning it?

8 Carl Gustaf Hrd (1674-1744). He accompanied Charles XII in his European wars, when he received the appointment of General. In 1717 the King appointed him Governor of Skne.

As to the building in Carlscrona, this has not gone altogether according to expectation, yet one has no doubt but that what is aimed at will finally be attained--though with this there is some petty complaint.

D: Father has not yet come home; he is expected today or in the morning, when we shall hear a heap of news. He seems to have been well received by his Majesty; has eaten three times at his table, preached before him the second Sunday of advent,9 talked with him many times. He also preached in Malm when the people nearly pushed the church asunder. When he returned to Lund, he talked with the King and received orders to hold a disputation on his Schibboleth. Many have opposed this, but yet it took place, though how it came out is not yet known--well, I hope. The King had Hjärne's abusive writing against him, which d: Father got from the King as a loan. What shall one do with this Hjärne! Must he be allowed so shamelessly to attack one in person? Had he gone to the matter itself and explained it with reasons--but when he goes for the person, and this with words. I have read his Chymie through; find him there to be very little grounded in the things on which chymie should be built.10 But more another time.

9 November 30, 1717.

10 Swedberg would have had little difficulty in exposing the defects of this work; for, though Hjärne, in many respects, was in advance of his day, yet there were many crudities in his writings. Thus, in his Acta Chemica, published in 1712, he defines primitive salt as "that which is generated by the rays of the sun and moon, and is more intimately bound in with ...air, water, and subtle earth" (p. 54).

The utmost greeting to Sister Anna, remaining

highly honored d: Brother's

most faithful Brother and Servant
Brunsbo 1718 Eman: Swedberg

With plenty of leisure in the peaceful Brunsbo home, Emanuel had much time for reflection and writing. The attention that he had been paying to the establishment of saltworks, had turned him to the study of chemistry, and as the preliminary result of this study, he wrote a little treatise on round particles. This was undoubtedly the first outline of the theory, later developed in his Principles of Chemistry, and still later in his Principia, that all nature consists of round particles of varying degrees, and that the elements of nature have their origin in the different arrangement of the last of such particles and of the parts resulting from their being broken up. In writing it, Emanuel had actively in mind the idea of publishing it in Latin for the benefit of the learned world.

While engaged in this work, about January 18th or 19th, he received from his brother-in-law Benzelius an answer to his letter of January 7th, which somewhat disconcerted, him.11 Instead of showing any enthusiasm for the treatise on the new system of numbering, which Emanuel had enclosed with that letter, he discourages any thought of putting it into print. The adoption of such a system could only produce confusion in the reckoning of money and in the carrying on of business. Its author would gain no credit by its publication, but merely the reputation of loving to
put forth novelties, regardless of their practical use. Moreover, with the common people the publication might awaken the suspicion that there lay behind it some scheme for devaluing the coinage, something which bitter experience had taught them to dread.12

11 Benzelius's letter is lost, but its contents are gathered from Emanuel's answer.

12 In his New System of Reckoning, Swedberg speaks at length concerning the application of the system to the calculation of Swedish money.

Benzelius also informed Emanuel of the death, on January 12th, of Per Elfvius, the Professor of Astronomy, and pointed out that the vacancy thus created offered to Emanuel a chance of appointment as Professor Elfvius's successor. He had now made some name for himself, and already had excited envy, and here was an opportunity for him to enter into an honorable and permanent position--a position secure for life.

Finally he reminded Emanuel of some venison which appears to have been promised him, or which, perhaps, he had paid for.

Emanuel answered this letter immediately on its receipt, in a letter dated BRUNSBO, JANUARY 21, 1718:

Highly honored d: Brother:

With the post I had the honor of d: Brother's letter, and also concerning Prof. Elfvius's death; God give him peace and rest; I think his wish was also the same. As to what d: Brother was pleased to counsel me concerning Succession,1 I recognize my Brother's goodness and good-will from all my heart, and, just as I know none of my family has yet desired me such good as does my Brother in everything, so I know that the same good thoughts are present in this case also. My Brother's reasons therefor are quite good, though, on the other side, I also have reserved for myself other good reasons; such as: [1] That which I have is likewise an honorable position. 2. In this also I call be of use to the fatherland, and, in praxi [a practical way] more than in the other position. 3. To draw me from one Collegio [to another] which has not been my genius--; my genius is mechanics, and shall likewise be chymie [chemistry], and our Collegium is noted for having occupants who have little understanding of these subjects; and so, on my side, I will seek to offset this, and I hope that my genius therein will profit them as much as their genius in another subject. I also think that no one will have cause to judge me as unworthy. As to envy, this gives me more amusement than bother, for I have ever striven to be invidiosus [envied and in time should become more so. The only reason which would encourage me thereto2 would be the opportunity of being in my Brother's company, and also of enjoying one or two years quiet to get my thoughts on paper, a thing which I have a little difficulty with. But in no way will I solicit the consistorium and Rectorem thereon in writing, for then, should it come to nothing, I would have had the mortification of having made application for removal from a position of such honor, wherefrom, in time, I can gain greater good fortune than in one where I get the promise of remaining till my dying day; I should also have had the mortification declarera [of declaring] myself unworthy of the position I have. Therefore, if the Academie finds me useful therein, they are likely to do it without any prayer on my part; but if they do not find me useful, to that I am indifferent.

I thank my Brother a thousandfold for his well-meant kindness, and shall never be more pleased than to be near my Brother, in order thereby to get more frequent occasion to do what is held dear by my Brother.

1 I. e., concerning Emanuel's becoming the successor of Professor Elfvius.

2. I.e., to taking the professorship.

As to what my Brother means by its being advisable to let it rest, namely, the publishing of the new system of numbering, for the reason mentioned, at first I did not understand my Brother's meaning; and because my inventa mathematica will be reckoned among noviteter [novelties], which the country cannot understandBto me, this was truly a little discouragement to follow up a thing I had in hand. I wish I had as many noviteter, yea, in re literaria, a novitet for each day of the year; then the world would find pleasure therein. In seculo [a century] there are enough of those who go in the beaten track to be in accord with that which is old; but perhaps there are 6 or 10 in a whole seculo who bring forth noviteter which are founded on reason and on another foundation.3 But I understood later, that what was meant was such novelties as concern our exchange in money and our business dealings--that here they will have another name. I myself know that I have not yet put forth anything that in the least degree has been a trouble to the country. The only thing I have pousseradt [pushed] has been in respect to the saltwork, which, I will maintain, would be more useful to the country than ally proposition in the world, and can be done better than people think, as one can see from the following: 1. The saltpans at Strmstad, over 30 in number, have been in use for now a hundred years; 2. which have made salt to advantage--one tun every 24 hours with a single cord of wood. 3. In good times, it has sold for 4-1/2, dalers k. m., and had some profit besides. 4. Bohusln and a part of Dahl4 avail themselves, both in the one and in the other, of no other salt. 5. There have also been saltworks in many places, as at Gulmarsberg, Count Ashenberg's estate, now laid waste by the enemy.5 6. Saltworks are an advantage in Scotland, and the country uses no other salt. The water there is like our water at Stramstad. 7. In Lyneburg6 and many other places in Germany are saltworks; their springs are weaker than our sea water.

8. If woods should not suffice, there is peat which shall not be lacking, and in Holland and Scotland, salt is boiled with peat. 9. Count Oxenstierna said that he would give up all his other merits if he could have the one merit of procuring salt for Sweden in war times. Thus I find no chimera in this matter, although it commences and goes on in a crazy way. If I had a hand in it, one would indeed see its advantages. God grant that all projects were of the same kind; no subject will suffer therefrom, not even if one or two were to count in a different manner,7 which I know is not likely to be the case. Since the King has already improberadt8 the 8 numbering, my Brother will therefore be pleased not to have any hesitation as to letting this come out.

3 Probably what is meant is enlightenment, or genius.

4 Dal or Dalsland, a province north of Bohusln. The southern part of Dal is near Uddevalla.

5 Gen. Major Count Christian Ludovic Ascheberg (1662-1722). The Ashenherg estate (in Bohusln) was laid waste by the Danes in the summer of 1771.

6 Lneburg.

7 This is a reference to his new mode of calculation.

8 Improbera, being the Latin improbo with a Swedish ending, means to disapprove, but the context requires the meaning approve. Swedberg probably meant to write approberadt.

I have 5 tractatulos [little treatises] which I should like to have out by spring. One, which I am now this day finishing, is on round particles; Dr. Roberg will likely find pleasure in it, since he is very subtle and delightful in all that concerns minima [minute things]. This I will send from rebro or Starbo whither I intend to go ill the morning in order to deal with some business in respect to the Skinskatteberg works; so, with earnest greetings to Sister Anna, I remain,

Highly honored d: Brother's
Brunsbo most devoted brother and Servant
21 January 1718 Eman: Swedberg

P. S. Would my Brother be so kind as to get pltar from the provincial treasury in return for my pltar, because I must use them for the printing. Were it not so, I would have held the plt to be worth more than 3 coin tokens or 9 dalers in current stivers.9

9 Prior to 1715, the plt (plural, plta) was stamped 6 dal. k.m. (= 2 dal. s.m.), but since the copper contained in the plt was sometimes worth more than 6 dal. k.m., therefore, in1715, it was stamped "9 dal. k.m." On Dec. 5, 1717, the King decreed that from March 1, 1718, the plt would be reduced to 6 dal. k.m. On Dec. 23, he decreed that until March 1, 1718, the plt could be exchanged at the provincial treasuries for 9 dal. k.m. in notes; but on Feb. 24, 1718, came a new decree forbidding the use of the old pltar until they had been restamped (Fryxel 28:68). It therefore devolved on Swedberg to turn in his old pltar which were large round copperplates, in exchange for the new square pltar stamped 6 dal. k.m.; and this before March 1 (Anecd. Benz. 657). The new coins, being intrinsically worthless than their stamped value, were not real money, but tokens.

P.S. D: Father has come home from his journey. He has a lot of things to tell about, and also a lot concerning the straight truth he there spoke out to the King.

As regards the venison, d: Father at once sent a messenger to Governor Fock10 concerning one that had been promised; this, d: Morchius11 will send on to Upsala by the first messenger.

10 Col. Gustaf Fock (d. 1725) who, in May 1716, had been appointed by Charles XII Governor of Elvsborgsln, which included Dalsland and the southern and western portion of West Gothland including the city of Vennersborg (Nordberg, Karl den XII, vol. 11 P. 603; Fryxell 28:110).

11 Probably a pet name for Doctor Moraeus, Emanuel's uncle and his childhood's tutor. Doctor Moraeus was the city physician of Skara, and made his home with Bishop Swedberg.

After posting the above letter, Swedberg set out on Wednesday, January twenty-second, via rebro and Skinnskatteberg to Starbo where he arrived a few days later. At Skinnskatteberg was an iron furnace and forge, of which Emanuel was part owner, and it was in connection with this property that he was visiting Starbo, there to consult with his brother-in-law Lars Benzelius and Doctor Rudbeck, as to its disposal.

This important property, with its accompanying woods and meadows was left by Albrecht de Behm, the wealthy mine owner, to his daughters Anna Margareta (married Peter Schönström, Jesper Swedberg's older brother), Sarah (Emanuel's mother), and Catharine (m. Peter Aroselius). By 1693, all these daughters and their husbands had died, with the exception of Jesper Swedberg. The latter then took charge of the property on his own account and in trust for the Schönström and Aroselius heirs. In consequence of having drawn upon the income over and above his own share, he was threatened by the heirs with a lawsuit, but he appears to have settled the matter in Part by transferring to them other property. At any rate, Skinnskatteberg was now the property of Olof Rudbeck, Jr. (m. Peter Schönström's daughter, who was Emanuel's cousin) representing the Schönström and Aroselius family, and Jesper Swedberg representing the Swedberg family.

The Swedberg share was divided into seven shares belonging respectively to Jesper Swedberg, and his children, Anna (m. Eric Benzelius), Emanuel, Hedwig (m. Lars Benzelius), Catharine (m. Jonas Unge), Jesper, and Margareta (m. Captain Lundstedt).12 The whole property was valued at 32,000 d. k.m.--a princely sum. As will be seen later, Jesper Swedberg, in September or October 1718, gave his share to his children, whereby each of the latter became owner of one-twelfth of the whole property. Later, Emanuel purchased their shares, and he and Rudbeck became the sole owners.13

12 See Nya Kyrkans Tidning for 1927, Mai-Juni, p. 58, and Nov.--Dec. p. 116; and I Documents, 83-87.

13 1 Doc. 373.

On his arrival at Starbo, Swedberg found awaiting him a letter from Eric Benzelius, wherein the latter informs him that his Algebra had gone to press. Benzelius appears also to have again raised the question that Emanuel apply to Upsala University for the professorship left vacant by the death of Professor Elfvius. Swedberg answered with a letter dated STARBO, JAN. 30, 1718:

Highly honored d: Brother:

I am sending over some Novieter in Physics on air- and water-particles, showing them to be round, which will likely be contrary to the philosophy of many; but since I build it on evidence and geometry, I hope none will reasonably deny it. The prejudgment one has acquired from Cartesius and others will likely cause the most trouble and objection. Doctor Roberg, who is himself subtle in all that is minute and subtle, can best judge concerning it.l If my Brother will be pleased to hand it to him, I should like to hear his judgment. If Professor Vallerius would lay aside a little his own and his father's Cartesium, his judgment also would be a great pleasure to me. This is a subject which I have had in view to bring out in a large book, as the learned in foreign lands do with their speculations; but since here one has not the facilities for so large a publication, the mouth must adapt itself to the foodsack; [so] I bring forward only the most general views.

As to the use thereof, I suppose it will be, that, in air and water, nature can better be searched out in all her parts; for if one finds the correct figure of the particles, one will in turn get to know all the properties which belong to that figure. I hope that this rests on a good foundation, being desirous not willingly to give out anything hereafter that does not have better foundations than the former article2 in the Daedalus. Therefore, I pray that the enclosed may appear separately, though not in quarto. Councillor of Commerce Polhem's matters, that is, his Mechanica,3 I will leave to the Daedalus.

1 Lars Roberg (1664-1742), professor of anatomy and medicine, was an exceedingly able man. His lectures dealt with "the nature of the human body and of the phenomena and courses of the principal bodies of the visible world so far as a knowledge of them throws light on the animal economy."

2 The reference is perhaps to the article on Cubes, Cylinders and Spheres which appeared in No. V of the Daedalus.

3 See p. 152.

As regards a profession in Upsala, I expressed my thoughts thereon from Brunsbo. My Brother will please receive them favorably. I hope to be able to be of such great use in that which is entrusted to me, and also of such great use and benefit to myself, seeing that I now have a step to further advancement, which I do not have any expectation of at Upsala; nor do I think that his Majesty would have me leave my position. As concerns the Collegium,4 I shall, with all diligence, make myself at home in mechanicis, physicis, and chymicis; at least, I shall seek to obtain a good foundation in all these, for I hope in time that there will be no reason to reproach me with being entirely unworthy of coming in, though I have no desire to be called legisconsultissimus [an expert].

4 Swedberg is here referring to the College of Mines. In his letter of Jan. 21 (p. 174), he notes that the Assessors of that College knew little of mechanics and chemistry.

I had intended the New Reckoning for the learned. I hope that my Brother will order it to be printed. I take all responsibility on myself, and warrant that no such publication will be forbidden. In respect to laws, war, and taxes, the King has free disposition; but in respect to words, language, and reckoning, none at all. One has, indeed, cause to be weary at all the noviteter [novelties] which are going on. God grant that such had not been the case in the coinage, etc., but only in the reckoning in connection with the coinage; with this, the country would have been better off. Ah! Lord God, what kind of an order has come out in regard to post horses5; the like is unheard of.

Had it not been made with a view to expediting post vehicles in Sweden, I would entertain other thoughts about it. The first thing I will procure is a horse and a sleigh, and for each journey, a tun6 of oats in the sleigh; and for my foodsack I shall rely on the first person I come across. I have decidedly no desire to pay 27 dalers k.m. for a sleigh and one person7 for the two miles8 from Stockholm to the next inn on the way to Upsala.

5 The ordinance referred to transferred all postal duties to innkeepers, upon whom fell the conveyance of letters and parcels and also the supplying of horses and carriages for travelers. The result was a great increase in price for both letters and travelers, and universal protest on the part of the public. See Fryxell 27: 51.

6 4-1/2 bushels.

7 Namely, the driver.

8 The Swedish mile was, at this time, equal to 6.64 English miles.

I arrived here in Starbo in the evening; found no one at home. Brother Lars and sister Hedwig are at the fair. I came here to have a conference about the Skinskatteberg forge which the syskon9 are thinking of releasing to a man named Jonas Ahlgren for 32,000 dalers k.m., with the stipulation that he pay 6,000 dalers a year, an agreement I also will enter into since iron has a fixed price of 32 dalers a skeppund.10 If I do not find money from the works, I shall seek it where I can.

9 Namely, my brothers and sisters.

10 In 1717, the King gave the Upphandlings Deputation, dominated by Goertz, power arbitrarily to fix and change the price (in the unsteady Swedish money) of iron and other mine products; and on December 30 of the same year, he issued an order intended to compel mine owners to sell to the government at the fixed price, the intention being that the government would sell abroad for gold. See Fryxell 28: 85-88.

Sister Anna is greeted a thousandfold.

Remaining

highly honored and d: Brother's

most faithful Brother

E. S.
Starbo, Jan. 30, 1718

P.S. Morchius sent a messenger to Wennersborg to fetch a deer which had been promised by the Governor there, which also shall be forwarded by messenger for my Brother's use.

I had thought of sending this off by the earlier post, but was prevented; and, meanwhile, Doctor Rudbeck has arrived here, which gives me the opportunity of sending it over.

If the post is to be so atrociously raised, as is talked of, one will likely have to take leave of his friends and relatives. I had the honor of my Brother's letter. Thanks that my Algebra has been sent to press. If Herr Hasselbom11 will be pleased to have some supervision over the numbers, all would be sure. I know that many persons will listen to it, who have taken a liking to Algebra. I still have 3 or 4 small pieces in hand which are short, and might come out next spring. With these I shall stop for a good while--will see what is thought of them.

11 Nils Hasselbom (1690-1764) born in Kleva some ten miles north of Skara, after studying in Skara Gymnasium, was entered in 1712 as student in Upsala. In 1724 he became professor of Mathematics in bo.

During his stay in Starbo, Emanuel busied himself with completing his treatise on Finding the Longitude, which he had commenced at Karlskrona at the end of 1716, with the view of publishing it as a separate treatise; seep. 139.

Meanwhile, Polhem had continued his efforts to get authorization for the building of the Gothenburg Canal. It will be recalled that after the failure of the "sluice Guild" owing to lack of subscribers, Polhem, in October 1717, had addressed a new memorial to the King, proposing that the King himself defray the cost of building part of the canal at Karlsgraf as an experimental project, to demonstrate the feasibility of the whole project (see p. 163) As a result of this Memorial, the King called upon Polhem to submit an estimate of the cost of such building. His Majesty was favorable to the project, and in December 1717 commanded Polhem to come to Lund for further conference. The result of this personal conference was the Royal approval of a plan far exceeding Polhem's expectations, for it contemplated the building, not of a single lock, but of the whole canal from Gothenburg to Norrkping, from which place there was a natural waterway to Stockholm.l2 This plan was contained in a Royal Ordinance, dated Lund, Jan. 16,
1718, wherein the King promised a grant of 40,000 d. s.m. yearly for five years when the canal was to be completed. Polhem himself was to be paid 5 d. s.m. per day, and in addition was to receive large bonuses each year on the completion of the work designated for that year.13

12 The present canal runs somewhat south of Norrkping, through Sderkping, where also is a natural waterway to Stockholm.

13 Bring, Trollhtten, pp. 68 and 329.

After receiving this Ordinance or Contract, Polhem at once wrote to Emanuel, urging him to hasten to Vennersborg, in order to commence work there as his chief assistant. He also informed Emanuel that, in the course of his conversation with the King, in the early part of January, the latter had expressed surprise and, indeed, some displeasure, that Swedberg had not continued his publication of the Daedalus Hyperboreus No V; the last issue had appeared on April 1, 1717.

The same day that he received this letter, Emanuel wrote to Benzelius in the EARLY PART OF FEBRUARY:

Highly honored d: Brother:

By brother Rudbeck I am sending something new in Physicis, I do not know whether it will arrive before this.1 It treats of round and minute particles, or of air and water, and I think will be enjoyed abroad. I have still one or two other things, and among them a more detailed exposition of the method of finding Longitudinem Locorum in which I have acquired more and more facility.

1 It appears that Dr. Rudbeck did not intend to go direct from Starbo to Upsala.

To-day I got a letter from the Herr Councillor of Commerce from Wennersborg, who is urgent and insistent that I shall go there. He has got the decree that the sluicework is to be built, and navigation instituted between the Baltic and the North Sea by way of Vener and Vetter to Norkping at his Majesty's own cost. With this, one is likely to have a great amount of work. But I am under the necessity of remaining here two weeks more; and then, with my Brother's kind leave, I am thinking of going as quickly as possible to Upsala to push forward the printing of what I have in hand.2 The Councillor of Commerce writes that the King is wondering about my not going on with the Daedalus now as before, and has entertained unfavorable thoughts thereon. I should much like to take down with me something which falls in with the King's liking. Let nothing interfere with my new way of reckoning; it may be very useful for those who will use it. The responsibility I take upon myself.

2 Namely, the Swedish tract on Finding the Longitude.

I will set down some points on which I ask for my Brother's counsel and answer, when I come to Upsala.

1. I am thinking of dedicating the treatise which Doctor Rudbeck is taking with him, to Abbe Bignon abroad, and the other on the Longitudine to Edmund Halley of Oxford, who also has done some work in this field.3

3 The first of the works here referred to was not then printed, but some years later was translated into Latin and included in Swedenborg's Chemistry, printed in Amsterdam in 1721. The second was printed in Upsala in February or April 1718, and was dedicated to the English Astronomer, Edmund Halley. It may be noted that Doctor Halley, as Savillian professor of Astronomy at Oxford, was a member of the British Committee entrusted with the duty of awarding the large sum of money offered to the discoverer of a method of finding the longitude at sea.

2. That this be done in pure Swedish, and that I then translate the one together with the other and so send it over;4 for I hope it will secure someone's favor.

4 i.e., over to France and England, respectively.

3. Whether in place of Elfvius's profession, another could be established in the Swedish language.

4. Whether Magister Unge5 could thereby receive some advancement; more of this another time; I am prevented from writing further.

5 Emanuel's brother-in-law.

Remaining

highly honored d: Brother's

most faithful Brother and Servant

Em. Sw.
Starbo. 1718
Feb.

Owing to the negotiations respecting the proposed sale of the Swedberg shares in the Skinnskatteberg property, Swedberg was obliged to remain in Starbo for some time after the writing of the above letter; but toward the end of February, he was able to pay a hurried visit to Upsala. Here he read the proof sheets of his Algebra, so far as it had been printed--it appears that the student Hasselbom had not taken on this work--and gave to the press, his method of finding the Longitude.

From Upsala, Emanuel went to his home in Brunsbo, and from there, early in March, he proceeded to Vennersborg, there to commence work as Polhem's assistant in carrying out the first year's construction of the projected canal to Norrkping.

This first year's work consisted in dredging and widening the small waterway, called Karlsgraf, some seven or eight miles long, from Gta lv to a point on Vassbotten one or two miles south of Vennersborg;6 and also the construction of a lock at Brinkeberg on Karlsgraf, about two miles from Gta lv. The passage of the great falls of Trollhtten, about four miles south of Karlsgraf was reserved for the second year's work. The headquarters from which Polhem and Swedberg directed the work was at Vennersborg, at the southern extremity of Lake Venner.

6 The present Gothenburg Canal runs somewhat north of Karlsgraf.

While Polhem had been given the disposition of 40,000 d. s.m. for the expenses of the work for the first year, including salaries, the money was held by the Upphandlings Deputation, which had general oversight of the undertaking; and, owing to the depleted state of the treasury, it was not always easy to obtain it. At any rate, whether or not a salary was promised by Polhem to his chief assistant, the fact was, the latter not only received no salary at this time, but, in addition, had to defray the cost of his own maintenance at Vennersborg.

His special work at Karlsgraf consisted in overseeing the construction of the lock at Brinkeberg. For all previous canal building undertaken by Sweden, builders from Holland had been called in to design and supervise the work. But now, for the first time, the ingenuity and mechanical inventiveness of the "Swedish Archimedes," as Swedberg called Polhem,7 was able to dispense with all foreign help. The lock was constructed on new lines. Its gates were to he opened by power supplied by a water wheel, and the lock itself, constructed of heavy timber carefully guarded against rot, was built in such fashion that any piece of timber could be taken out and replaced without displacing or injuring any other part.

7 Daedalus Hyperboreus, VI, p. 1.

The greatest trouble encountered in the work was the lack of man power. Nearly all the able-bodied men had been drafted into the army, and Polhem was dependent on the peasants and farmers in the neighborhood; and since these frequently absented themselves in order to work on their own land, the work had frequently to be carried on by old men and even by women. Polhem was indeed promised the help of the many Russian prisoners of war who were then in Sweden, but whether this promise was ever fulfilled is unknown.8

8 Bring, Trollhtten, 70, 71.

Early in April, the work was inspected by Baron Goertz,9 the all-dominating spirit of Swedish undertakings, and the head of the Upphandlings Deputation Goertz had been in consultation with the King at Stramstad, preparatory to his journeying to the island of Aland as one of the two Swedish plenipotentiaries to the peace conference there to be held with the plenipotentiaries of Peter the Great. His visit to Vennersborg was with a view to inspecting the progress of the canal work; and during this inspection he was naturally accompanied by Swedberg.

9 Georg Henrik v. Grtz, Count v. Schlitz (1688-1719), coming into disfavor at the court of the Duke of Holstein, whom he had served for many years, introduced himself to Charles XII after the latter's return from Turkey in 1715, and such was his genius and resourcefulness, that within a year he became the King's most powerful representative in all diplomatic matters, and was also given practically despotic power over all inland affairs. The debasement of the coinage, the ever new regulations for increased taxation, and enlarged conscriptions, etc., were all due to his fertile imagination and resourcefulness. As a consequence, he was thoroughly hated throughout the land, though not altogether justly, since what he did was in the service of a king who was acknowledged by all as having absolute power, and to whom he was a faithful servant. After the King's death, the new government, which was actuated by a spirit of reaction against royal absolutism, tried him for treason against the country. The Commission that conducted the trial, was so manifestly prejudiced that his condemnation was assured from the very beginning. He was beheaded in Stockholm on February 19, 1719, two and a half months after the death of that King, under whom he had been the most powerful man in Sweden. By some Swedish writers, he is regarded as a martyr, because his only fault was that he was faithful to a despotic king. (See Lindeberg, Goertz, Ett offer fr envldet.) By others his execution is regarded as being in accordance with the English practice of holding a minister responsible for the acts of his king.

Early in May, Baron Goertz, when on his way to land, made a second visit to Vennersborg, but this time with the object of meeting the French Ambassador Louis Pierre Englebert, Count de la Marck, who had come up from Lund for this special purpose. The purpose of his meeting with the French Ambassador was a discussion with regard to the French attitude to the proposed reconciliation with Russia.10

10 Bring, Karl XII, 438.

Meanwhile, Emanuel had received from Upsala copies of his newly published Algebra and Attempt to find the Longitude.

The former, which contained only seven of the "10 books" advertised on its title-page, was a sorry specimen of the art of printing, using makeshift devices to supply the printer's lack of mathematical signs. The work on the Longitude, however, had a better appearance, despite its closely printed small type which filled over forty pages. It may be added that on the title-page of this work, Swedberg, for the first time, designates himself "Assessor in the Royal College of Mines"--he did not say "Assessor Extraordinarius," and this with good reason, as an inspection of his Warrant of Appointment will show.* Yet the Bergscollegium recognized him only as Assessor Extraordinary, and as such he was given no salary.

* This is not correct since both warrants clearly designate Swedenborg as Assessor Extraordinarius. See p. 137.

Emanuel was particularly gratified at having these two works in his possession, for on May fourteenth, shortly after Goertz' departure for Aland, the King himself came to Vennersborg, on his way to Lund, to make an inspection of the Karlsgraf lock,11 and Emanuel was glad to have some literary work to show his hero, especially since, although due in July 1717, No. VI of the Daedalus had still not made its appearance.

11 Nordberg, Karl den XII, II, 666; Helander, Rhyzelii Anteckningar 83.

Being in charge of the building of the lock at Brinkeberg, Swedberg saw much of the King during the latter's tour of inspection, which included also a visit to the Trollhtten falls. He did not, indeed, make bold to present him with the recently published works, but he was careful to see that copies of them were laid on the table in his room; and subsequently he had the satisfaction of learning that the King had read them "a good while." There was no opportunity, however, to discuss their contents with his Majesty, as the latter left for Lund early in the morning of May sixteenth. Possibly he again had an opportunity of talking with the King on the latter's return from Lund.

At the END OF JUNE, Swedberg again wrote to his brother-in-law:

Highly honored d: Brother:

I am observing a somewhat long interval before writing to d: Brother. The delay fits in with the distance and the augmented rise in the postage, yet I hope my Brother's confidence still remains as before. We are daily occupied with the first lock in bringing it to completion, which, however, cannot likely be done before Michaelmas.1

Beyond all expectation, the costs amount to little,2 since all the work is in wood; yet it is so constructed that it can endure for a long time, and can be rebuilt at any place where needed without the whole work having to be renewed. I am encouraging the Her Councillor of Commerce to take on for the work one or two employees who shall have supervision over the work; for I suppose that Messrs. Vassenius and Hasselbohm will likely desire this work; them have I proposed. Twenty dalers s.m. a month can be paid while the work lasts. What would be the main thing for them is to gain experience in mechanics, and later to be nearer to advancement therein. If d: Brother will be pleased to let them understand this, they will doubtless let me know their thoughts in writing; would wish that I could, in some other way, be of service to them, which would be the greatest pleasure to me.

1 Namely, September 29.

2 Swedberg is somewhat premature in this account of the cheapness of the work, for the total cost of the Karlsgraf work was over 22,000 d. s.m., instead of the 6,000 d. s.m. estimated by Polhem. See Bring, Chr. Polhem, pp. 200 and 203.

It seems to me that the trouble of further promoting Mathesis receives little reward, both because of the lack of money to advance therein as far as one ought, and likewise because of the jealousy which so strongly prevails against those who exert themselves in any matter more than others; when a country in general leans toward a state of barbarism, it is likely to be vain for one or two persons to hold it up.

Baron Goeurtz has traveled through here twice. He has likewise inspected the construction of the sluice, he being the head of this work. On his return journey, the French Ambassador met him and had two days conversation with him; then, when the one went to land, the other betook himself to his previous home station in Lund. By his Suite, one or two persons in the town were assured of peace in a short time--that we have better terms and conditions to expect than we had supposed. O utinam ne sub melle lateat ...3

3 If only under the honey there lies not concealed-

His Majesty also inspected Trollhttan, and I had the favor of talking much with him.

I offered him my Regelkonst and my Frsk at finna Longitudinem4 only in the sense that I left it on the table, where he sat and read it a good while.

4 Algebra and Attempt to find the Longitude.

Here in the surrounding neighborhood wonderful things are told about us; among others is also this: That we stopped up Trollhettan5 at the moment the King was there--such is the confidence the people here have in art.

5 That is, Trollhtten Falls.

How is Professor Vallerius now? God grant that I hear of his health and good condition. Sister Anna is greeted a thousandfold, likewise Count Mörner and also little Brother Eric. I remain

highly honored d: Brother's

most faithful Servant and Brother
Wenersborg, 17186 Em: Swedberg

6 The letter is marked by Benzelius "Junio Vergente" (at the end of June).

The King left Lund for Strmstad on June eleventh, and perhaps again visited the work at Karlsgraf.7 At any rate, his attention had been called to Swedberg's work, and in some way also to the fact that he was receiving no pay for that work; for on his return to Strmstad, his Majesty issued an order to the Upphandlings Deputation, dated June 1718: "Inasmuch as we have graciously willed to afford Assessor Swedberg8 3 d. s.m. a day, for support so long as he remains at the sluice work and is assistant to Councillor of Commerce Polhem; therefore, it is now our gracious command that, from the means appropriated to the sluicework, you allow him actually to enjoy such support."

7 Helander, Rhyzelii Anteck., p. 85.
8It may be noted that the King styles Swedberg "Assessor" not "Assessor Extraord."

Although this order was given, it had no effect, nor did Emanuel know of its existence until more than a month later. Then, on August third, probably in answer to his own inquiry, he received a letter from one of the King's Secretaries, Bernard Cederholm, enclosing a copy of the King's order, and also, as it appears, informing him that at Baron Goertz' request the King had granted him free board at Vennersborg.

With this in hand, on AUGUST 4, 1718, he wrote to Baron Goertz who had passed through Vennersborg on his way to Strmstad to report to the King the results of the land conference:

High and Well-born Herr Baron:

Geheim Rd and Chief Marshall.1

1 These were Goertz' titles in the Holstein service. He had no official position in Sweden.

On the occasion of your Excellency's last return to Wennersborg, I neglected to pay my most humble attendance; but since none of us at Carlsgraf had knowledge thereof until after your Excellency had already departed, my duty now demands that I wait upon your Excellency in humility, and, at the same time, offer humble thanks for his gracious recommendation to his Majesty in respect to my receiving hoard at the sluicework. By the last post, Herr Secretary Cederholm communicated to me a copy of his Majesty's most gracious resolution; and it is now my further most humble request that your Excellency will be pleased to allow met, make use of the means which have been appropriated thereto, that I may avoid making application therefor to the right worshipful Royal Deputation; which will still further bind me constantly to be in every matter,

the high and well-born Herr Baron's

your Excellency's

most humble servant

Emanuel Swedberg
Wennersborg
August 4, 1718

P.S. If your Excellency so desires, I will from time to time send a drawing or plan of the work at the sluice, that your Excellency may see how quickly it is carried on to your Excellency's pleasure.

On the same day he wrote to the Upphandlings Deputation:

The High and Well-born Herr Baron

Geheim Rd and Chief Marshall

And

the Well-born Gentlemen, Members of

Royal Uphandlings Deputation.

Since his Royal Majesty has been pleased graciously to afford me support at the sluicework, my duty demands that I come before the Right Worshipful Royal Deputation in humility, and most humbly request that it be granted me to enjoy the said support from the means appropriated for the sluicework. I submit myself to the Right Worshipful Royal Deputation's gracious pleasure, and with the deepest respect, remain

the High and Well-born Herr Baron's

and

the Well-born Deputies'

most humble and obedient servant
Wennersborg Emanuel Swedberg
August 4, 1718

[Annotation by the Secretary of the Deputation]:

On this matter, answer has gone to Polhem, and the King's letter for Swedberg is delivered to Ecklef. 22 September, 1718.

Presumably, Swedberg received the board promised him, but whether or not he received his salary of 3 d. s.m. per day, is not quite certain. In his next letter, he does indeed say that he will receive this salary, but, on July 9, 1720, in a letter to the successor of Charles XII, he writes that he had worked with Polhem for three years "at my own expense" (p. 240). If, however, Swedberg did actually receive a salary at this time, such salary would have been the first money he had ever earned; for, up to this time, his support had come either from his father or from his share in the mining property left him b his mother, and from his enjoyment of the Starbo income, the use of which had been given him by his stepmother.

While Swedberg was busily occupied with his work on the Karlsgraf lock, a Colonel Engelbert came from the Royal camp to Vennersborg, having been sent there by General Ducker, one of the King's ablest and most trusted officers,* to consult Polhem as to the best means to be used for the conveyance of a brigantine and other war vessels over land from Strmstad to Iddefjord (a distance of 16 miles), where they were to be used for the attack on the Norwegian fort at Fredrikshall. To reach Fredrikshall by sea was impossible, owing to the Danish blockade. Stores and munitions must, therefore, be conveyed over land, and the King had conceived the idea of transporting ships also, these being indispensable to the attack.

Ships had already been transported over this route, but the weight and size of the brigantine was more than could be carried by the plank roadways and the wooden rollers that had previously been used. Polhem then submitted to Colonel Engelbert a plan for strengthening the roadway, and he sent Swedberg to Strmstad as his representative for the carrying out of this plan.

* Dcker was in command of the army under Charles XII.

Emanuel left for Strmstad in the middle of July, and at once set to work. After several days' labor, the brigantine was brought up to a certain point, where difficulties were encountered which seemed insuperable. These could be met only by cutting new timber wherewith to strengthen the roadbed, and by preparing larger and stronger rollers. Moreover, the five hundred soldiers who had been laboring at this work were found to be insufficient, and request was made to increase the force to eight hundred.2

2 Karolinska Frbundets rbok, 1920, pp. 170-71.

While these preparations were going on, Swedberg returned to Vennersborg to resume his canal work, but he went back in the latter part of August, again to advise on the. work of transporting the ships.3

3 As to Swedberg's connection with this transport work, see NEW PHILOSOPHY, 1926, p. 6 seq.

During these visits, he associated with the high officers of the army, all straining every nerve in preparation for the attack on Norway. Among them he also met Count Mörner,4 the Governor General of the Gothenburg, Holland, and Bohus Territory, who received him with great kindness. But what most greatly pleased him was the special favor shown him by the King, who was in constant attendance at the actual work of transportation, cheering the laboring soldiers, and encouraging their efforts, and with whom he talked many times.

4 Carl Gustaf Mörner (1658-1721) served as a soldier under both Charles XI and his son Charles XII. He rose from the ranks, until in 1716 he was appointed Governor, and in 1717, field marshal.

His second visit to Strmstad witnessed the final stages of the laborious work of transporting the brigantine and the other vessels over land to Iddefjord. On September second, the last of these vessels had arrived at the latter place, and were soon engaged in combat against the Danes; and, if we are to believe local tradition, "Charles XII, the Duke of Holstein [Charles' nephew], Swedberg, and the general staff, stood at Hllesmrk and, from a hill, followed the changing fortunes of the battle, not without distress as to the outcome which would be decisive for the whole northern campaign."5

5 Svensk Dagbladet for April 8, 1905, in an article "Emanuel Swedenborg som Ingenir" by Bohusiensis. (New Philosophy, 1926, p. 12)

While in Strmstad, during this second visit, Swedberg received a letter from Benzelius, which had been forwarded from Vennersborg, wherein he was asked if he could provide an opening at the Canal work for Benzelius' nephew, Erik Esberg. His answer was written after his return to Vennersborg, in a letter dated SEPTEMBER 14, 1718:

Highly honored d: Brother'

I received d: Brother's welcome letter at Strmstad after it had sought me now in Wenersborg and now in Strmstad, and therefore I could not answer it earlier. I have been in Strmstad twice, and think I shall soon go there still another time. Have found his Majesty very gracious to me, and more so than I could suppose, which to me is a bonum omen. Count Marner has likewise shown me all the favor I could ever wish.

Every day I had mathematical subjects to the fore with the King, who takes pleasure in such things. When the eclipse took place,1 I took his Majesty outside to see it, and reasonerade much concerning it. This was only an entree. I hope, in time, to achieve something in that quarter for the advancement of Mathesis, being unwilling to ask for anything at this time, which might seem new.2

1 This was an eclipse of the moon, which took place on August 29 (O.S.) 1718, at 9 p.m.

2 Swedberg is referring to his unwillingness to take advantage of his talks with the King by advocating the building of an astronomical observatory.

As to my Daedalus Hyperboreus, his Majesty was quite critical that I have not since followed it up, but I pleaded lack of means, a thing he does not willingly wish to hear about; hope to get help for it as soon as possible.

With regard to Herr Esberg,3 I shall see to it that he will be employed at the sluicework, but this is not likely to be before the beginning of Spring; if, meanwhile, he learns his Mathesis well, and makes a beginning at constructing models, it would probably help him. 

3 The reference is probably to Eric Esberg, the older of Eric Benzelius' two nephews. The Bergskollegium had appointed him assistant to Lars Benzelius who had charge of the Starbo district (see p. 85, note 1). The appointment was made in 1718, but in what month is not known. Probably it was in or after October, when it became evident that he could not get work on the Canal Project until at earliest the Spring of 1719.

I wish little Brother Eric were grown up. I think that next Spring, if all continues in shape as at present, I shall myself begin upon a luck, and have my own command, so that I shall likely be able to serve one person or another. At the sluicework, I shall receive no more than 3 d.s.m. a day; hope soon to get more.

Polhem's oldest daughter is betrothed to the King's Hofjunkare [Court Carver], who is named Mannerstram;4 I wonder what people will say about it, since it is my post.5 His second daughter [Emerentia] is, in my opinion, much prettier.6

4 Martin Ludwig Manderström (1691-1780). He waited upon Charles XII during his stay in Turkey, and afterwards, from his return to Stralsund to the day of his death. He remained in office as a court official during the reigns of the next three kings of Sweden, rising, finally, to the position of general court manager.

5 Owing to a mistranslation (1 Doc. 303), it has been supposed that Emanuel was betrothed to Polhem's oldest daughter Maria. It is probable that this had been Polhem's desire, but there is no indication that it was Emanuel's--indeed, rather the opposite. The poet Atterbom, who published part of the correspondence between Swedberg and Benzelius in the Upsala Journal, Lsning fr Bildning for 1818, notes here: "With the desire still further to unite his two learned and mechanically skillful friends by a still closer bond, Charles XII wished to make Swedberg Polhem's son-in-law. Polhem had no objection to this, but the girl was restrained by another inclination. The oldest daughter seems to have been the one whom it was desired should marry Swedberg." The authority for Atterbom's statement is General Tuxen who, in a letter to Anders v. Höpken, describes a conversation he had with Swedenborg in 1770: To a question as to whether he had ever been married, Swedenborg answered: "No, but that once in his youth he had been on the road to matrimony, King Charles XII having recommended the famous Polhem to give him his daughter. On my asking what obstacle had prevented it, he replied, 'She would not have me as she had promised herself to another person to whom she was more attached'" (2 Doc. 437). It would appear, therefore, that Polhem's daughter Maria was already betrothed.

6 This statement, uttered offhand, as it were, contradicts the oft-repeated assertion that Swedberg was engaged to Emerentia Polhem (see I Doc. 50)--an assertion which was made for the first time in 1789, and without any supporting evidence.

How is Professor Vallerius thriving? it would be very pleasant to me to know of his health and well-being.7

Sister Anna is greeted; remaining highly honored d: Brother's

most faithful brother and servant

Eman. Swedberg
Wennersborg
September 14, 1718.

7 Johan Valerius, Professor of Mathematics in Upsala, had died August 25th, at the age of 41 (Annerstedt, Ups. Univ. Hist. II. 2. 78). He was not a professor when Emanuel attended the University.

The work at Karlsgraf was not proceeding as rapidly as had been expected, owing to many difficulties, not the least of which was the scarcity of labor, a scarcity which was greatly aggravated by the peasants' stopping work to attend to their farms. With a view to removing these difficulties, if possible, Swedberg, on September 15, addressed a Memorial to Baron Goertz (see Appendix):

Humble Memorial concerning the speedier carrying on of the Sluicework.*

* This Memorial of September 15 was enclosed in a letter dated Karlsgraf, September 15, 1718, written by Polhem to Baron Goertz. Polhem there complains of the difficulty in procuring charcoal for the smelteries. Plenty of suitable wood was found at Hunneberg, but the peasants there refused to sell their charcoal at a reasonable price--the price at other places had risen fivefold. Polhem therefore asks that the King allow the Hunneberg peasants to pay their taxes in charcoal to be delivered to the sluice works in Karlsgraf. This was granted by the King on September 22.

1 An unsteady supply of workpeople has been the greatest hindrance. If in its place, a steady supply of people is allotted, the work would go on more speedily.

2 But since the peasants are our best carpenters, they also are seen to be necessary; therefore, if the crown servants would be ordered to cultivate their land and fields for pay, during the time when this is necessary, one will obtain steady workpeople from them also.

3 The procuring of timber has also delayed the work; if it should be graciously permitted, to choose therefor from the supply of timber that is withdrawn from Trollhetten, which is paid for according to the market prices in Gothenburg, this also would speed the work.

4 If his Majesty would graciously command me to give to his Excellency Baron Goertz, and his Majesty's Chancery, weekly or monthly reports of the work, as to how it is progressing, greater care would likely be taken as to its speeding up.

4[a] If next year,* the Councillor of Commerce Polhem could be persuaded, that the work should also be taken up at some other place, such as that between [Lalies] Venner and Vetter; the one work would then speed forward the other.

* i.e. in the Spring of 1719. The royal contract stipulated that the work at Trollhtten, and between lakes Venner and Vetter, was to be done in the second and third year.

As to whether this Memorial had any effect, this is not known. A day or two after despatching it, Swedberg obtained leave of absence, and went to his father's home in Brunsbo. He had evidently been influenced by the King's reproaches as to the Daedalus Hyperboreus; for, after arriving at Brunsbo, he immediately applied himself to the writing of articles for No. VI of that journal. Since he had not received from the King any offer of financial help, and certainly had not ventured to ask for it, his ambition now stopped short of all edition in Swedish and Latin, and he decided perforce to revert to his former practice of issuing a small Swedish number of sixteen pages, instead of the ambitious forty pages of No. V. Moreover, in order that the work may come out at once, he entrusted the printing to the Skara printshop, instead of sending it to the Academy printshop in Upsala. He had the satisfaction of seeing the work in print before he left, and also of sending a copy to the King at Strmstad.

During his stay at Brunsbo, he had naturally heard much said about the scurrilous attacks made by Urban Hjärne against Bishop Swedberg. The first part of Hjärne's book Orthographia Suecana, consisting of 152 quarto pages directed against the spelling reform advocated in Bishop Swedberg's Schibboleth, had been loaned to the Bishop by the King at the time of the former's visit in Lund during the Christmas season of 1717l but by now the Bishop had doubtless obtained a copy of the book for himself. He was naturally indignant at the personalities in which Hjärne indulged. Thus, the Bishop was accused of making it a custom to force his presence at the funerals of deceased priests, that he himself might officiate, with the result that the poor local ministers would be deprived of their scanty fees.1 Moreover, in the course of his book, he calls the Bishop "light-minded," "a reading blackguard and paper waster," "a reckless assaulter" who ought "to be rapped on the fingers," etc. He does not, indeed, mention Swedberg's name throughout the whole of his book, referring to him always as "Eusebius"; but this itself must have hurt the old Bishop.2

1 Tottie, Jesper Swedberg, II. 237.

2 von Beskow Minne fver U. Hjärne, p. 56

In August, Bishop Swedberg had already written a refutation and defence which he entitled "A Just Defence of Honor against V. President Urban Hjärne's thoughtless writing against my Schibboleth." This was in two parts, the first being a defence against Hjarne's slanders, and the second a refutation of his arguments. Both parts were sent in MS. to Eric Benzelius, but in a letter of September 2, 1718, to his nephew-in-law, John Uppmark, the erstwhile Skyttian professor at Upsala but now stationed in Stockholm as Censor Librorum,3 Bishop Swedberg wrote that, for the present, he wished only to print the second part, reserving the first until Hjärne's whole work had been printed.4 In this letter, the Bishop says:5 "As my Brother can judge with reason, I am compelled to defend my honor against the insults poured out against me by V. President Hjärne."

3 Johan Uppmark (1664-1745), together with many others, including Emanuel Swedberg, was ennobled in 1719, when he took the name Rosenadler. He had married Emanuel's cousin, Eva Schwede, the daughter of Brita Behm, Bishop Swedberg's sister-in-law.

4 In his printed 152 pages, Hjärne promised that the work would be continued "in case it is not forbidden by the Chancery College" (v. Beskow Minne fver Urban Hjärne, p. 49); its publication, however, was forbidden.

5 See I Doc. 160-62.

After Uppmark had seen the first or personal part of the Bishop's answer, he protested somewhat against it; for in a letter dated October 3, Bishop Swedberg admits that "here and there something may have been answered too harshly. But (he adds), when one considers how shamelessly he has attacked my honor, no one can wonder that I use a sharp pen. Can not a grammaticus [grammarian] express his thoughts on orthography without any defamation, but that another must, for this reason, make an attack on his honor? And I hope that Herr Brother is so just as not to permit him to issue such things from the press as he did previously." At the same time, the Bishop's indignation seems not to have been characterized by personal animosity, for he concludes his letter by sending greetings to Hjärne, "my good friend and our dear brother," and asks Uppmark to "beg him to reflect on his mortality, and that, for the sake of my office, I must be solicitous of my honor .... God be gracious to him." His lack of personal animosity is shown by the fact that in the beginning of 1719, the two old friends became reconciled. Hjärne did not continue his Orthographia Suecana, and, while the Bishop published the second part of his defence, the first part was never sent to the press.

When Emanuel arrived at Brunsbo about September 16th, it is not surprising that Hjärne's attacks on his father were a frequent subject of conversation; and it is rather natural that the young man's indignation was less tempered than that of his sexagenarian father. His

Emanuel's stay at Brunsbo was not altogether a happy one, sisters and/or their husbands, with the exception of Anna and Eric Benzelius, seem to have been jealous of him, and their jealousy was by no means decreased by the very manifest favor shown him by his stepmother. It would appear from Emanuel's account, that they, or some of them, were of a grasping disposition, and certainly there was dispute among them over the disposition of the inheritance left them by their mother, and over that which was subsequently left them by their stepmother.

During this visit, Emanuel's father announced that he would give his share of the inheritance left by Sarah Behm, which included the rich Skinnskatteberg property, to his children, hoping they would unite in love. At this time, as already noted,6 the heirs were considering a proposition to sell their shares in the Skinnskatteberg property to a Jonas Ahlgren for 32,000 d.k.m. While negotiations were in hand, Emanuel was very dissatisfied with the attitude taken by his brother-in-law, Lars Benzelius, who seemed to him to favor the purchaser rather than the family. It must be remembered, however, that Lars Benzelius was not only a shareholder, but was also the Mining Master of the district in which Skinnskatteberg was situated, and therefore the state official having oversight of the sale. Thus it may be that what Emanuel thought to be partiality to Ahlgren, was, in reality, a due observance of the purchaser's right to buy at a fair price. However, the sale was never made.

6 See pp. 178, 180.

Emanuel left Brunsbo to return to his work at Karlsgraf on October 5. This is mentioned in Bishop Swedberg's letter to Johan Uppmark above referred to, dated Brunsbo, October 3, where he says: "Emanuel, who is now here, is setting up the sixth part of his Daedalus, and the day after tomorrow he is traveling to Strmstad where he will be right graciously received by his Majesty. In this place (Skara), there is great distress with all the people, over food, which they cannot obtain for money because everything is bought up for the needs of the army, and the little people have, must go for the sowing, etc., etc. God grant a good end there.

The coinage also makes great confusion here."

On the eve of his departure from Brunsbo, Emanuel wrote to Benzelius on OCTOBER 5:

Highly honored d: Brother:

All prepared, I am now on the point of leaving Brunsbo for Karlsgraf, after having been here for three weeks; have meanwhile made up Daedalus VI which treats of the following: 1. An experiment to show the curve of cannon shots, by C. Polhem. 2. A ready calculation of a pile of balls assembled in a triangle, by Em: Sw. 3. A test whereby shipbuilding can be improved.1 4. The doctrine that our living essence consists of small contremiscentier, together with a number of experiments.2 5. Concerning a curve whose secants [always] form the like angle with it; its use. This I have already sent to his Majesty, together with the accompanying figures.3 When I get the opportunity, it shall be sent over. I am sending it at the first opportunity to Vice-President Hierne, together with a polite but, at the same time, firm letter that he desist from any more of his scurrilities, for perchance another might show him in like measure his own puerilia and crudities in Mathesi wherein he has ventured to utter himself. I will send the copy of the letter another time.

1 This is a mistake; the article did appear in Daedalus VI. The Latin work published in Amsterdam in 1721 was a rewriting of this article.

3 These figures must have been hand drawn, for they were never published in the Daedalus, although they are referred to in its text. This is an indication that Daedalus VI was printed in haste, and there was no time to make woodcuts or copper plates.

Dear Father has honored us with his share in the works; hope it will come to a happy conclusion. Brother Lars is somewhat adverse to me; it would be well if he did not wish to continue so; for to consider an Algren's advantage rather than his brother-in-law's, seems unbecoming in a relative. Among all my brothers and sisters, I find none who has wished or does wish me well save d: Brother; in this I became especially confirmed from a letter my Brother wrote d: Father, on the occasion of my journeying abroad.

If I can in any way show my due gratitude, it shall not be wanting. Brother Unge4 refrains from nothing; at any rate, he has estranged d: Father's and Mother's mind from me now for four years. Yet it boots him naught.

4 manuel's brother-in-law.

His Majesty is probably coming to Weunersborg at the end of this month, when the army is to be reviewed; will see if I cannot get leave to go with it to Norway. If I could then do anything to the advantage of my relatives, the greatest pleasure would thereby be attained. Remaining,

highly honored d: Brother's

most obedient Servant

Eman : Swedberg
Brunsbo [Oct. 5], 1718

As stated in his letter, Swedberg left Brunsbo for the works at Karlsgraf, and not, as his father had supposed, for Strmstad. The Bishop had, of course, heard much from his son as to the work the latter had done in the transporting of warships over land, and as to the favor which the King had then shown him. Doubtless also Emanuel had told him of his expectation of again being called to Strmstad.5

5 It is possible, however, that Emanuel did go to Strmstad, but that, because of the secret nature of his work there, he preferred not to mention the matter to Benzelius. His road to Strmstad lay through Vennersborg, the headquarters of the Karlsgraf operations.

It may be assumed that Emanuel's desire to go with the army to Norway, indicates, not that he desired to enter into the war, but that his thought was to resume his work in connection with the transporting of ships and cannon, or to undertake other engineering tasks. This is confirmed by the statement in his letter of October 5, that, if he did go with the army, he hoped to do something to the advantage of his relatives. It will be recalled that after his return from his second trip to Strmstad, he expected to go there for a third time. As a fact, however, there was no occasion for any more work on the transporting of ships, for, so far as is known, no more ships were required in Iddefjord.

In any case, Emanuel did expect to meet the King, and it was doubtless with that he observed such haste in getting out the sixth number of the Daedalus.

He also had this in mind when he returned to the work in Karlsgraf. He had several times urged Benzelius to have his New System of Reckoning printed in Upsala, it having been his desire to dedicate the work to the King, and personally to present him with a copy Benzelius, however, persistently refused. With this avenue closed to him, and knowing that the facilities of the Skara printers were wholly inadequate to print such a work, he set to work to write out a neat copy, with a dedication to the King, dated "Carlsgraf 1718," his intention being to present it to the King in person when he met him.6 Such a presentation would strike Swedberg as singularly fitting, since it was the King at whose instance he had undertaken the work.

6 The Swedish text of this work was printed in the Upsala Annual Lychnos for 1937, and an English translation was published by the Swedenborg Scientific Association, in 1941.

That he did not present it, is evident from the fact that the MS. was found, nearly one hundred years later, in private possession. But that he did meet the King once more, and this for the last time, is indicated by what he wrote some thirty-five years afterwards in his Memorabilia n. 4703: "Many transactions between me and Charles XII* were recounted, and it was then clearly shown that the Lord's Providence had been in the smallest details ... also that, unless the state with Charles XII had changed from good into anger, one person would certainly have perished." Since the King's attitude to Swedberg had hitherto been uniformly one of great favor--if we except the King's annoyance at the delay in publishing the Daedalus--it would seem that this change of state in Charles XII occurred at the last meeting between him and Emanuel. On October 5th, the latter intimates that he expected to meet the King in Vennersborg at the end of the month, and he expresses the hope that he may be able to follow the army to Norway; but on December 8th, he writes: "Praise God, I have escaped the campaign in Norway, which had very nearly caught me, had I not used plots to withdraw myself."

* In the original MS., after "C. XII" come the crossed off words de nuptiis. With these words, the passage would read: "Many transactions between me and Charles XII concerning nuptials were recounted." This suggests that the rupture between Swedenborg and Charles XII had to do with the latter's desire that Swedenborg marry one of Polhem's daughters. Considering the extraordinary obstinacy of the King, this is not unlikely.

As a reconciliation of the seeming contradiction between these two letters, the following seems to fit all the known facts of the case. Swedberg ardently wished to go to Norway with the army, in order to continue the engineering work on which he had already been engaged under the King's own eyes and in the company of many high army officers. When he saw the King, and perhaps intimated something of this to him, Charles immediately wished permanently to enlist his services as a military engineer.

This embarrassed Emanuel, who had no taste for a military career, and he immediately set to work through his friends, Count Mörner, General Dcker and others, to represent to the King the importance of the work on the Canal, and how that it was necessary for the progress of the work, that Swedberg be not withdrawn. Perhaps also he induced Polhem to intervene in the same sense. In any case, the King acquiesced, but not with good grace. Swedberg thus fell into royal disfavor. Under the circumstances, there could be no question of presenting to the King the specially prepared MS. on the New System of Reckoning.

Be that as it may, Swedberg does not appear to have gone again to Strmstad, and certainly he did not join the campaign in Norway; it is equally certain, however, that he met the King at Vennersborg. Meanwhile he continued the work at Karlsgraf until about the beginning of December when, owing to the weather, that work must necessarily be suspended until the Spring.

Returning then to his home in Brunsbo, he found there, to his great delight, a letter from Eric Benzelius awaiting him, which announced that he and his wife intended to spend the Christmas holidays with Bishop Swedberg.

As soon as he arrived home, he sent to the Skara printing office his treatise on the Motion and Position of the Earth and Planets, a MS. which he had written out with the same meticulous care as The New System of Reckoning,7 intending, apparently, to present this also to the King. He had commenced this work at Lund in the Summer of 1717, and had since worked on the MS. several times. See p. 159.

7 The neatly written MS was found in the same private possession as The New System of Reckoning. MS sent to the printer was a copy thereof, with slight verbal changes and the addition of two chapters.

At Brunsbo he also made provision for two or three future members of the Daedalus, his practical knowledge and his fertile imagination, making the writing of the articles easy.

The last news of the campaign in Norway, that reached Emanuel before leaving Karlsgraf for the Christmas holidays, was of the taking of Gyllenlw, an advance fort belonging to the defence of Frederickshall. This was taken on November 27, when the King, followed by his soldiers, himself scaled the walls and easily overcame the Danish soldiers, who offered little resistance.8

The news did not reach Swedberg till nearly two weeks later. This brief triumph was, however, the precursor of an event which at once put an end to the whole campaign, namely, the death of the King himself who was shot on November 30 by a bullet directed from the Frederickshall fortress. News traveled slowly in those days, and Emanuel was still ignorant of this fact when he wrote to Eric Benzelius from Brunsbo on DECEMBER 8:

8 Nordberg, Karl XII, II. 679.

Highly honored d: Brother:

Here in Brunsbo, I had the pleasure of receiving d: Brother's letter. First, I am now staying here until the Christmas holidays; then I am thinking of going for some weeks to the mining district and Stockholm. Praise God, I have escaped the campaign in Norway which had very nearly caught me, if I had not used plots to withdraw myself. I am rejoiced beyond measure to hear of my Brother's arrival here, which I shall await above all things. Although d: Mother makes some remarks about her fodder, even so, d: Brother's horses could be well cared for at Magister Unge's place,1 at the priest's in Fgre,2 or at the inn where Brother Lunstedt's horses were for fourteen days;3 this, moreover, I will take care of. If my sleigh and reindeer coat would be of any use during the journey, my Brother may like to bring them down here. I think the harness is likewise with it. If my muff could also come with them, it would be well. I am very desirous of getting my telescope and my thermometers down here, which perhaps could be enclosed in a wooden case stuffed with hay; if this would not be too much trouble, I would ask for these.

1 Jonas Unge, who had married Emanuel's younger sister Catharine, was then the Pastor of Varnhem, a village some seven miles east of Skara.

2 Johannes Faegraeus; see p. 8.

3 Anders Lundstedt (circa 1680-1750) was the son of B. A. Ludenius, Rector of Skarstad, a few miles southwest of Skara, who, as belonging to one of the learned professions, had Latinized the name Lundstedt to Ludenius. After serving in the Household Cavalry, he was appointed in October 1716, first Captain of the Uppland Cavalry, and received his discharge on June 5 1718. In 1713 he married Margaret, Emanuel's youngest sister (b. 1695). By an oral bequest (see p. 290), their only child, named Sara, received from her grandmother, Sara Bergria, an inheritance equal to that of the latter's step-children (Leuwenhaupt, Karl XII's Officerare; Warholm, Skara Stifts Herd. I, 167; Lindh, Swedenborgs Economie in N. K. Tiding, 1927, p. 77). See p. 178 and cf. above at 11 1. 5b.

I shall have the pleasure of showing Daedalus VI to my Brother on his arrival. Daedalus VII I have held up until his Majesty supplies offerings thereto, which, moreover, I have been allowed to understand, at the same time that I have all ready for two years. For the rest, I have printed here my theory of the slackening of the earth in its course, which, with all diligence, I have sought to make pleasing. I understand I will receive this more especially at the time of my Brother's arrival.

My humble greeting is given to Herr Count Mörner, Syster Anna, I remain

highly honored d: Brother's

most obedient and faithful Brother

Eman: Swedberg
Brunsbo
Dec. 8, 1718

P.S. Gyllenlw, a redoubt at Fredrikshall, was taken by storm on November 27.

I await my sleigh, reindeer coat, and muff.

With the King's death, of which Emanuel heard almost immediately after he had written the above letter, all work on the projected canal to Norrkping at once ceased. Polhem did indeed have an unexpended balance of several thousand dalers in bank notes, but such was the condition of Swedish finances, that even workmen looked askance at these notes, fearing only too justly that their value would greatly decrease.4 Subsequently, in 1719 and 1720, Polhem endeavored to induce the new aristocratic government to continue the work, but in vain5; and Karlsgraf remains to this day an unfinished work, which passengers on the modern Gothenburg canal are sometimes taken to see.

4 1 Doc. 306.

5 Svenska Riksdagarne, Stockholm, 1825, pp. 236, 540.

Meanwhile, the news of the King's death reached Stockholm on December fifth, and two days later Charles' younger sister Ulrica Eleonora was proclaimed Queen. This action was taken hurriedly, in order to forestall the anticipated claim of the Duke of Holstein, the son of Charles' older sister who had died in 1708. In the meantime, the generals of the army, assembled at Uddevalla, refused to recognize Ulrica as Queen, until Frederick her husband, who was present with them, had assured them that absolutism would be abolished. Then Ulrica was proclaimed to the army as Queen.6 This was in the first days of December, and the news soon reached Brunsbo.

Emanuel's book on the Motion and Position of the Earth was already in the press, but when he heard of the King's death and the proclamation of Frederick as prince consort, he wrote a new dedication (dated Dec. 16, 1718) addressed to Frederick as "prince heir apparent"

6 Fryxell 30:21.

After the holidays, following the plan he had laid out, Emanuel left Brunsbo for the mining district, which included Starbo, where he busied himself gathering practical knowledge of mining and metallurgy. From there he went to Stockholm where he arrived at the end of January, when he at once wrote to his father telling him of his arrival. One of his objects was to report to the College of Mines, hoping doubtless to be recognized as an Assessor, entitled to receive the salary of an assessor.* The first meeting of the College which he attended was on February 13, 1719, and in the minutes of this meeting, he is listed as "Assessor." But the College, led partly by thought of the exhausted treasury of the country, still refused to recognize him as aught but Assessor Extraordinary, and thus as having no claim for a salary. For this reason, Swedberg did not again attend the sessions of the College during this visit to Stockholm. Meanwhile, he conducted some correspondence with Polhem, doubtless with regard to the prospects of continuing the canal work.

* It should be remembered that according to the practice of the College, he was not entitled to an assessorship until there was a vacancy.

In this same month of February, while still in Stockholm, Swedberg took some Part in the discussion of what was then a burning question, namely, the redemption of the enormous sums of inflated money issued during the latter years (1715-1718) of Charles XII, and even immediately after his death, in the form of tokens (mynttecken), being coins stamped with a value many times their real value. The total amount of such tokens was over twenty-seven million dalers silvermint (Malmstrm, i, 117). These token coins were discredited both at home and abroad. Imports became almost impossible, and a period of inflation set in. The worst sufferers were civil servants, pensioners and others whose fixed income was greatly reduced by being paid in the inflated currency. Workmen and merchants, etc., adjusted matters by increasing their prices.

To meet this situation, the Secret Committee1 of the Diet met on February 23, 1719, and appointed a sub-committee, the "Deputation on Tokens," to study the matter.

1 During the whole "time of freedom" (1719-1772) the Secret Committee was the most powerful arm of the Government. It was elected by the Diet, and consisted of fifty members of the House of Nobles and twenty-five each of the House of the Clergy and of the House of Burghers, pins the presiding officer of the House of Nobles who was its ex officio chairman, and the presiding officers of the other two Houses. Though the nobles had 50 members, it had only one vote, this being decided by the majority of its members. So also with the Clergy and Burghers (Malmstrm, 1, 98). The House of Peasants had no representation in this Committee.

Swedberg had some practical ideas on the subject, and these he embodied in a Memorial addressed to the Deputation on Tokens. The Memorial was anonymous, but the author's name was known to the members of the Secret Committee, as shown in the minutes of that body.2 The MS. is undated, but since it was read in the Committee on September 27, it must be dated September 26, 1719:

2 Svenska Riksdagarne, pp. 6, 16.

PROPOSAL

For the Redemption of Tokens and Paper Currency

The loss which the now current coinage has caused, and daily continues to cause, is a matter which affects every individual in his privat [personal affairs] and the kingdom in its general oeconomia; and, if this coinage is not abolished in good time, then, like a disease, it will grow more and more until it becomes incurable. To allow these coins further currency would be, for mining districts and husbandry, for business, and for the whole kingdom, a ruination which could not be repareras for a long time. It therefore follows that each and every one who is concerned for the welfare of the kingdom, provide or approve of means for their speedy abolishment, and look to the eventual good of the kingdom.

In the last war which England carried on with France, she entered into a debt of fifty million pounds sterling, equal to 2,500 tons of gold. Although the whole country with its trade and commerce is not able to raise such a sum for a long time, yet in a fund they have found ways to pay off this sum in a certain time by yearly payments, the principal aids to which were the good condition and state of their country's culture and economy.

So likewise in Sweden, where merely the sums in which we are indebted for the redemption of our tokens and paper money--not to mention banks, mortgages and the wages of servants and of the militien [soldiers]--amount to more than the whole of Sweden's copper and iron industry, together with her other producter, could satisfy in twelve years.

Therefore my well meant proposals are as follows:

That the Houses of the Diet pledge themselves to redeem them within a certain number of years, and, instead of tokens and the larger and smaller paper obligationer, issue assurance notes or attester [certificates], similar to our bank loan notes, to be paid off yearly according to the following plan:

Those who wish to be paid the whole sum [of their tokens], to receive payment in twenty-five years, that is, to receive 4 per cent yearly. Those who will give up one-fourth of each token, cent that is, 8 re3 s.mt., to receive their payment in ten years, that is, 10 per cent yearly. Those who will give up a half, to receive payment in five years, that is, to per cent yearly. Those who will give up three-fourths, to receive payment in two years, or 50 per cent yearly. In this way about one and a half million will come to be paid annually. Doubtless, those who see that with a smaller sum they can get greater interesse, will give up rather than content themselves with a long-term payment.

3 One daler s.m. equals 32 re s.m.

For the first year's payment there will likely be no other resource than the lowering of the tokens to one re s.m. This would amount to about one million [dalers].4 The 5 or 6 tons gold5 which would still be lacking, could best be procured by means of things at the arsenal which are not needed.

4 i.e., if the sum total of the tokens is 32 millions. The actual sum was over 27 millions, which, however, does not include the depreciated paper money.

5 2,500 tons gold equalled L50,000,000 sterling.

Objections

That those who wish the entire amount to be paid, will lose the whole capital sum, and in place thereof, will receive a small interesse for a limited period instead of actual payment. ANSWER: On the contrary, the greater part has gained 4, yes, 5 times their capital, since they actually receive 16 to 20 pro cent annually; that is, they get back their capital with reasonable interesse, or they gain as much thereon as they would by trading.6

Others who see their way to greater interesse with smaller sums, or to the same interesse in a shorter time, are at liberty to give up, receiving thereby ten, twenty, or fifty pro cent, that is, the capital payment with interesse. Some would surely content themselves with 4 per cent yearly for a period of twenty-five years, being able therewith to have an income or funder for their support and the maintenance of their household.

6 Swedberg's arguments seems to be based on the current value of the daler token which was 2 re. Thus, if one wished to cash the tokens at once, then, for 100 dalers he would receive 200 re. With compound interest at 6 per cent, this would amount in twenty-five years to about 850 re, whereas, by receiving 4 per cent of 100 d. annually, he would have received nearly four times as much, or 3,200 are. At 5 per cent, 200 re would amount to about 700 re in twenty-five years.

That the Diet's Notes might have the same value as the tokens, especially since no fund is provided for their yearly redemption. ANSWER: Everything depends on the country's credit and general stability. One sees that a well ordered government can easily raise sums four and even five times larger than the country actually possesses. On the other hand, an insecure government has trouble in collecting one-sixth of the kingdoms property. And, provided the country is now placed on a better footing, one can have no doubt as to the country's credit, from which commerce flourishes, the kingdom is cultiveras, and money goes out and in with safety. Then, as in England and Holland, there will be no difficulty in finding means sufficient for the debts of the following years; such, for exempel, as moderate increases [of the taxes] on things which have the very largest consumption in the kingdom; lotteries; also the balancen in foreign trade, which by wise ordinances by the Diet and the Colleges, should be increased more and more. If this be set aside as a fund for the payments, one can have no doubt as to their redemption, nor on the soundness of the above mentioned notes in accordance with the termin of their maturity, having at least the assured advantage that a cash capital can be borrowed on them, and they meanwhile be left as security for the payment of the interessen.

If all the tokens be withdrawn and notes issued in their stead, it would then follow that the carrying on and movement of trade, both domestic and foreign, and also the production of our iron and copper, etc., must stop, and this would do more harm than the continued currency of the tokens. ANSWER: If security and credit become the basis of our recovery, one cannot doubt concerning the circulation of these notes, and their validity in a certain measure; but, in any case, should it be proved that the first year's payment of one and a half millions was too small a sum for the maintenance and free movement of trade, it would perhaps do no harm, if, to begin with, four or five millions rulerade [were in circulation], providing that at the same time they should be exchanged every three months without hindrance, and that they had a specific and secure fund for their redemption.

If the citizen sees grounds for the just liquidation of the tokens, and if quantitet [the number] of them be thus considerably decreased, then no great difference would likely be made between them and the valid coins in circulation.

The million in res s.mt will consist of the same unsuitable coins, and are not likely to gain better credit than the tokens, inasmuch as they are four or five times above their worth; and thus there would be no assurance that they would not be counterfeited and thrust upon us. ANSWER: Not to mention the circumstance that despite the probable depreciation of the tokens to re s.mt., they are yet quickly dispersed among the people, and nowhere are they assembled in any great amount. Nor is business directed by small change, and still less is the domestic or foreign course of exchange upset by them--with the reservation, however, that they are restricted to a reasonable sum. Yet one cannot deny that their reduction to their real value would be better and surer.

If the kingdom should combine to give up the greater part and be content with a smaller payment within a shorter time, how could there be a fund for so large a payment? ANSWER: If now the debt were twenty-five millions and it were paid off in twenty-five years, then one million would be paid out every year. If all were to give up a fourth, that is, 8 ore s.mt. per token, the 1 and 4/5th of a million7 would be paid out for a period of ten years. If all were to give up one-half, then two and a half millions would be paid out annually for a period of five years. If all were to give up three-quarters, then somewhat over three millions would be paid annually for a period of two years. Thus one sees that the highest payment would be three millions, and this would likely be raised from what is not needed at the arsenal, and from a contribution by the Diet.8

From this it follows that those who desire prompt payment and a speedy exchange of the tokens must give up as large a part as they find most convenient, especially since, in respect to their double profit, by a voluntary sacrifice, they receive in good coin the due sum that comes to them from their wares.

7 25 million less one quarter would be 18,750,000. According to Swedberg's proposal, ten per cent of this was to be paid out yearly. This would be about 1-4/5 millions (1.8 millions).

8 That is, by the authorization of the taxes suggested in the Appendix to the present Memorial.

That it seems untimely to talk of reducing the tokens so long as we are still involved in a war,9 for which one had no secure means. To impoverish oneself in the meantime, by a hasty withdrawal [of the tokens] would be to put oneself out of a position in which one could make resistance. Moreover, we are uncertain as to provinciers restitution [the restoration of our provinces],l0 and certain of the loss and insecurity we have to expect from Russia if the ports and free trade in the Baltic are left to her, which would be a hindrance to our establishment of a sound oeconomie and would deprive us of any hope of the fundens security which is based on a flourishing trade, etc. ANSWER: AS concerns the first point, more is likely to be undertaken hereafter with one daler in good coin than with tell in the present currency; for its further circulation is likely to result in its self-depreciation into ores, that is, into its real value. Thus no help for the carrying on of war could in any case be expected from them.

9 At this time, Sweden was still in a state of war with Hanover, Prussia, Denmark and Russia. Peace was made with Hanover on November 9, 1719, with Prussia on January 21, and with Denmark on June 3, 1720. Prussia and Hanover, however, and after June, Denmark also, had committed no warlike act against Sweden since the death of Charles XII. Russia, on the other hand, continually ravaged the Baltic coastline of Sweden, and it was not till August 30, 1721, that peace with that country was signed at Nystad--a harsh peace.

10 Of all the lost provinces, only Finland and Swedish Pomerania were restored to Sweden by the peace treaty of Jan. 21, 1720, and of August 30, 1721.

How could refusion [restitution] be obtained by the mining district and others who more than others have taken the tokens as current coin in exchange for real metals; and also the King's servants who have received their salary in a coinage which, at the merchants, is not worth one-sixteenth of its value? If they should now satisfied with interesse instead of the capitalet, or be called on suddenly to give up the same amount as the merchant, it would be unreasonable.

ANSWER: The millions of tokens which would rulera [circulate] contemporaneously, would, in fact, be in part as good as true coin, since the quantitet is small; counterfeiting would be eliminated, and the funden for redemption secure. If this were vouchsafed to the mining districts, they would really suffer no injury. But since the word "token" is so insidious, there is no other way out save to grant them a shorter termin [period] for payment up to certain amounts, reckoned by the Bergscollegium, together with other advantages and freedoms in compensations for their loss.

Project for raising a fund for the Redemption of Tokens and paper Currency

1 Metal guns and other metals, together with any unusable copper, silver or gold that is found with the public, to be coined or sold.

2 The life interest to be mortgaged or sold to skatte or frlse owners.11

11 Skatte property was property, the rent whereof belongs to the crown or to private individuals. Frlse property was property, the owners whereof were freed from taxation, but were obligated to furnish to the State and to maintain a cavalryman and horse.

3 All mortgaged properties be sold to skatte or frlse owners.

4 All crown farms to be sold to the owners of skatte or frlse property.

5 All prize ships at the navy yards, and all else that the Crown has no need of, should likewise be sold.

6 Every house in the cities which belongs to the public, and cannot be used therefor, or is shown to be unnecessary, should likewise be sold.

7 One-fifth of the revenue coming to the Crown from copper and mining, to be appropriated thereto. This must be paid into the Treasury.

8 The Upphandling's taxes12 must continuera and must remain in this fund.

12 These were taxes imposed by Charles XII for the support of the purchasing (Upphandlings) committee of his army.

9 All exported wares to pay as per the following licent [tariff]:

re

dol. s.mt.
For every Skeppund bar iron, besides customs duty 8
Skpd sheet iron, besides customs duty 8
Skpd iron nails, besides customs duty 8
Skpd anchors, besides customs duty 8
Skpd iron guns, besides customs duty 8
Skpd unrefined copper or copper sheet, besides custom duty 8
Skpd brass wire, besides customs duty 8
1 load tar, besides customs duty 1 
1 load pitch, besides customs duty 1 10-1/23
1 barrel alumn, besides recognitionen 16
1 barrel or m13 of wood, besides recognitionen 1
1 Sklpund potash, besides recognitionen 5-2/3

13 About 41-1/2 gallons.

IMPORTED GOODS

 re

dol. s.mt.
For every 1 barrel Spanish salt 8
1 barrel French salt 6
1 barrel Scotch or Pomeranian salt 4
1 barrel Lneberg salt 8
1 barrel Wheat, rye, malt, peas, grain14 8
1 oxhead15 of wines of all sorts, and of French Brandy 1
All other imported wares, whatsoever their name, to pay for every 100 dalers s.mt. 1/2% or 16

14 i.e. rice, oats or barley.

15 51.9 gallons.

The above memorial was read in the Secret Committee on September 27th, but it did not receive approval.* What the Committee finally decided on was to devalue the daler token fifty per cent or to 16 re s.mt., 2 re to be paid in good coin, and 14 re in Assurance Notes which would be cashed when it became possible (Malstrm, i:117).

* February. (See Riksdagarne p. 6.)

From Stockholm, Swedberg went to Upsala, there to be present at the coronation of Queen Ulrica Eleonara, which took place on May 17th.

On that day also, Emanuel hurried from the press his work on the Height of Waters, for the purpose of dedicating it to the Queen.16 On May 23d, four days after the coronation, the Queen elevated the sons and daughters of Bishop Swedberg to the rank of noble*, and granted them a coat of arms and the name Swedenborg.17 Three days earlier Eric Benzelius was made a doctor of Theology

16 Due to this haste, the work was actually incomplete. It was completed in a second edition published at Stockholm in November of the same year.

* Being ennobled was an important factor in Swedenborg's future; for on May 26, three days after Swedenborg had been ennobled, the Diet passed a law decreeing that noblemen alone were eligible to the higher offices of the State, including Assessors in the Colleges (Malmstrm 1:126).

17 About the same time, Ulrica elevated about one hundred and fifty families to the nobility, and this for political reasons (Fryxell 30: 88; Malmstrm, Sv. Polit. Hist. I, 217). In the case of Bishop Swedberg's family, however, she was following an ancient custom, according to which all bishops' families, though never the Bishop himself, were ennobled.

From Upsala, Swedberg, now Swedenborg, returned to Brunsbo, where he was busily engaged in writing several small treatises, one of which, Tremulation, involved his study of the human brain and nerves. During the summer he traveled around the mining district, with the object of collecting from original sources information which he used in writing (probably at Starbo) an exhaustive treatise on Blast Furnaces.

Provided with the several small treatises he had written, Swedenborg then went to Stockholm, in order to put them in print. His main purpose, however, was again to attend the sittings of the College of Mines, where he was still without salary, though still entered on the minutes as "Assessor."

In Stockholm, where he arrived at the end of September, he of course met Urban Hjarne, the Vice-President of the Bergscollegium. A few days previous to this meeting, Hjärne had received an anonymous letter from Upsala, written evidently by a person who had read Part 1 of Bishop Swedberg's answer to Hjärne's personal attacks. Parts 1 and 2 of this answer had been sent to Eric Benzelius, but, as the Bishop wrote to John Uppmark, the censor of books, he had no intention of publishing Part 1 for the present. A portion of Part 2 had already been printed in Skara, and the other portion was then being printed in Upsala.18 Hjärne was highly incensed at what he heard, and he spoke to Emanuel on the matter. Later, he obtained a copy, or part copy, of Bishop Swedberg's work; but this only increased his choler.

This he expressed in a letter of November 26, addressed to Eric Benzelius, wherein he declares that the Bishop's son Emanuel, "having seen from my discourses some rays of the knowledge of nature which pleased him, has tried to secure a truce between us to mend our quarrel." He adds, however, that he has no desire for such a truce, "as it is better for me that the Bishop bursts out in full wrath and bitterest gall, so that I may have perfect cause for letting loose on his personality as he has done with me I shall deal with him in the same way, and shall publicly throw some winged ants into his beard, so that he will have enough to do, putting his venerandam barbam to rights."19

18 Act. Lit. Suec. I, 17, 80.

19 See New Church Life, 1924, p. 407.

By now Swedenborg had put the finishing touches to the first work he had ever written dealing with the brain--a work which reveals an astonishing knowledge of the human body. This work which, as now preserved, has no title, was an amplification of his article in the last number of the Daedalus Hyperboreus, entitled Proof that our living essence consists, for the most part, of little vibrations, that is, tremulations. It was a work of some size, and its author deemed it of sufficient importance to be put in print. On November first, therefore, he submitted a clean copy to the Royal College of Medicine for censorship.20

20 The MS. is now lost. It had been given out to the Members of the College for perusal, and those who read it, seem to have expressed approval. Finally, it appears to have been submitted to Doctor Magnus von Bromell, an influential member of the College, and there all trace of it is lost. Fortunately, Swedenborg had his first draft, and from this he made a second copy of certain parts--of which more anon,--and these are still preserved among the papers of Eric Benzelius. See p. 227.

Soon after his arrival in Stockholm, Swedenborg addressed to Eric Benzelius a letter dated NOVEMBER 3, 1719:

Highly honored d: Brother:

Some days ago I arrived here in Stockholm, when I at once heard one person or another tell me that a new decouvert has been made in France respecting us terricolas [inhabitants of earth], to wit, that the earth has drawn some 25,000 miles nearer the sun;l also that letters have been written thereon to the learned academies.2

For better information as to this, I desired for myself more particular knowledge concerning it; to wit: As to whether observation was taken of the sun's diameter, and its visible increase; or of the parallaxes of the planets and their presumed disturbance. This would have been noticed had we advanced nearer toward our centre; for such a phenomenon must manifest itself within our votrice solari; there is no possibility of it outside, nor of ally paralax with the sun, unless something becomes visible there which before was not visible. That which most of all can lead one to wonder, is the circumstance that such a leap should have happened in one or two years, inasmuch as no comet has recently thrown itself into our great vortice, nor has any other planet that I know of drawn so near to our vorticem telluris that it could have forced us in. Were there any such violente cause thereof, one must suppose that it will run out again to its right distance which always adjusts itself according to the speed and the course, so that our Phaeton must again go on its right path. That in any other case it should have taken place naturaliter in so short a time does not seem reasonable, unless one could deduce this change from observations made for some 100 years.

1 If it is Swedish miles, and not French that are meant, this would be equal to 166,000 English miles.

2 A very careful search in the contemporary journals and transactions of the learned societies, has not resulted in finding trace of any article discussing the subject here referred to.

For the rest, it pleases me that I publice gave out something of the sort a year ago in the treatise on the Motion and Position of the Earth, where I advanced the theory that the earth runs ever more and more slowly in respect both to its annuum and to its diurnum motum; from which it necessarily follows that it must more and more draw itself toward the sun; for the stronger the motus and the vertigo in the vortice solari, the farther are its planets thrown outward from the centre; but the weaker the motus, the more do they draw themselves inward. And it is well known in what proportion the vis centrifuga, in traveling outward or inward, increases according to the speed. Of this, Isaac Newton treats in his Principia. And with the planets, it is the same as if a long arm were made with a bullet on it which would be free and could run along the arm forward and backward, outward and inward, at the least vi [force]. If now it be whirled around very rapidly (preferably under water), the vis centrifuga would so have increased, that the ball would have drawn itself outward along the arm away from its centre; but if the speed is diminished, then it draws itself inward. So also with a planet. If the primum mobile decreases, then the planet draws nearer to the centre; but if it increases, it is projected far outward.

Or, what is the same thing, the slower the course, the nearer the approach to the sun. This is the theory I speak of in the above-mentioned treatise, which I shall refrain from proving on the present occasion. But that this should take place in two or three years, I cannot yet get into my head, though our atmosphere itself seems to indicate a change in the air in respect to summers and winters and likewise to the unusually violent north winds, etc.

For the rest, if the nature of motion, both that which increases and that which decreases, be examined, it will be found that all the motions are in ratione duplicata, and that, at the end, a motion decreases more in one minute than previously in 20. For example, if anything be whirled around, the speed at the end decreases more in a moment than previously in to. But it does not seem that this can he applied to our planet; would like, therefore, to get more exact information concerning this.

I have now given myself a rest during the summer, to set one or two matters on paper which I think are likely to be my last word, since all such speculations and arts are unprofitable in Sweden and are esteemed by a lot of political blockheads as a scholasticum which must stand far in the background while their supposed finesse and intrigues push to the front.

What I have been working at is, first, an exact description of our Swedish smelting and- blast furnaces; and second, a theory or investigation concerning fire and hearths; for this, I first procured all that could be found out from smiths, charcoal burners, roasters,3 smelting masters, etc., and on this the theory is founded, and hope to have made a number of decouverter therein, which in time will likely prove to be useful; as, for example, to be able so to make fire in new stoves, that the wood and charcoal which serves for a single day can give more heat for six days. Vice President Hierne has given his entire approval to this, and on demand, it will likely be demonstrated in a test. Today, I am handing the aforementioned in to the Bergscollegium.4

3 i.e., roasters of ore.

4 The work on Blast Furnaces, the first work of its kind in Sweden, remained unknown until 1903, when it was printed in the mining journal Noraskogs Arkiv. IV, pp. 201-32. It forms the first draft of the first seventy pages of the work on Iron, which Swedenborg published in 1734.

I have also written up a little anatomy of our vital motions, which I judge to be a contremiscence.

There, in the most exact way, I have made myself acquainted with the Anatomia nervorum and membranarum, and so have shown the harmony thereof with the beautiful geometry of tremulations, and much else wherein I afterwards found myself in agreement with the opinions of Baglivi.5 The day before yesterday, it was handed in to the Royal Collegium medicum.6

5 In his principal work De Fibra Motrice, the famous Italian professor, George Baglivi (1669-1707) ascribes the whole empire of the body to the animation of the dura and pia maters; see The Cerebrum, II, n. 218.
6Only the Collegium Medicum had the right to censor medical or anatomical books (Hist. Tidskrift, 1893, pp. 130-31).

For the rest, I have improved the work which was published in Upsala concerning the Height of Water in the Primeval World, and have added a number of clear proofs, and also an undeniable demonstration as to how stones have been moved in a deep sea; also the possibility of proofs for the changing of the northern horizon, and that it is reasonable to believe that in former times Sweden was an island. This I have left with the Censor librorum to publish it anew.

There are also a number of other small works. The industry I have expended on them has caused the former works which I gave out, to appear to me as altogether contemptible; this I wish to set a good touren [turn] to, when it is verteres [translated].7

7 Swedenborg has in mind to translate these little works into Latin, and to publish them in one volume intended for the learned world.

Vice-President Hierne showed me a letter from an anonymous person in Upsala, who says that our d: Father's work against him, where he is attacked modis indignis [in unworthy ways], is in press, calling it a foedum opus [vile work]. The Vice-President pesserar [ponders] over it, and promises [to repay more] than tenfold if it were not for my Brother's sake and mine. However, it is a purely defensive work, and so my Brother will please soothe the old gentleman so far as possible. With earnest greetings, I remain

highly honored d: Brothers

most faithful servant

Eman: Swedenborg
Stockholm
Nov. 3, 1719

Swedenborg had not been in Stockholm two weeks before he gave proof of his interest in the mining work of the country, by a Memorial addressed to the Queen on November 13, advocating the development of sulphuric acid works at the great copper mine at Fahlun.

At this time sulphuric acid was a monopoly owned by the works at Dylta near rebro; but Swedenborg had been impressed by the great amount of sulphur at Fahlun, and he wished to exploit this for the enrichment of the Fatherland.

The Memorial, which is now lost, was sent by the Queen with a favorable recommendation to the Bergscollegium (I Doc.: 405) and that body considered it on November 26th, but nothing seems to have come of the matter.

Swedenborg attended the meetings of the College of Mines a few times in November, being entered each time in the minutes as "Assessor"; but after the 18th, he ceased that attendance altogether. It became plain to him that the College had no intention of recognizing him as an Assessor legally entitled to a salary; and he did not again present himself until four years later, when at last, he won recognition.

In addition to his present attendance at the sessions of the College of Mines, Swedenborg busied himself during November with literary work. Early in the year he had greatly interested himself in what was then the burning question of the hour, namely, the redemption, by a depleted treasury, of the millions of paper notes which were then in circulation. In the preceding February, before going to Upsala, he had presented a memorial to the Committee on paper tokens, proposing their redemption by yearly installments, namely, 25 installments for those who wished the full value of their notes; 10 for those who would remit 25 per cent; 5 for those remitting 50 per cent; and 2 for those remitting 75 per cent. To raise the sums necessary for this redemption, he proposed the sale of all unneeded prize ships and guns, the mortgage of crown lands, export and import taxes, and a contribution from the crown revenue from the copper mines. See p. 205 seq.

And now, turning to another side of the coinage question, he writes a small work, advocating the adoption of the decimal system for weights and coinage. The current Swedish system was based on the octonary number, 16 ores k.m. equalling 1 re s.m.; 8 res s.m., I mark s.m.; 8 marks, 1 Riksdaler, and 8 Riksdaler, 1 Mark sterling; and so with many of the weights.8

8 Confer Swedberg's New System of Reckoning, p. 22 seq.

More nearly concerning his work as a metallurgist was another little treatise which he wrote during the month of November, entitled "New Indications for Discovering Mines."

It was built upon the thesis that the spheres proceeding from subterranean ores must have a perceptible effect on the surface vegetation and soil, and that a careful analysis of these latter would result in the discovery of the mineral wealth hidden below them. This work he handed in to the Bergscollegium for examination.9

9 The MS. (or perhaps an autograph copy) was found among the private papers of Eric Benzelius, but, so far as is known, no copy has been found in the archives of the Bergscollegium. A translation of the work may be seen in Swedenborg's Scientific and Philosophical Works, I. p. 71.

While engaged in these literary labors, he received a letter from Eric Benzelius, in which the latter expresses pleasure in reading Swedenborg's reflections on the slowing down of the earth's course around the sun. In this connection, Benzelius called his attention to a quotation in the Neue Zeitungen von Gelehrten Sachen for August 2, 1719, from a review in the Catholic journal Memoires de Trevoux, of an anonymous work published in London in 1714, and entitled An Enquiry into the Nature and Place of Hell. The author, as was then well known, was the Rev. Tobias Swinden, a clergyman of the Church of England. The main contention of his work was that hell fire was real fire and was eternal. Therefore it could not be in the center of the earth, as commonly believed, for then it could not be eternal, nor was the centre of the earth large enough to contain all the damned. So the author places hell in the sun, which, at the last day, will consume the earth, but itself be unconsumed.10 "Herr Swinden (says the Neue Zeitungen, quoting from the Mem. de Trevoux), who believes himself to have found that hell is in the sun, presents his arguments in the same way as Father Malebranche in his Christian Meditations, for he is a deep thinking philosopher." Benzelius perhaps also informed Swedenborg of another article in the same number of the Neue Zeitungen, quoting, also from the Mem. de Trevoux, a refutation of Swinden's theory: "Concerning the situation of hell as being in the sun; the opinion of an anonymous Englishman, refuted by Fredericus Otto. Herr Otto says that the Englishman s opinion is contrary to the Word of God, and contrary to the doctrine of the papists, that hell is in the center of our earth. The Editors [of the Mem. de Trevoux] conclude . . . that it would have been easy to refute Herr Swinden because his proofs are mere unfounded suppositions.

But, as Herr Otto has seized upon material in regard to which one can only laugh, he has wound himself up in greater errors than Herr Swinden, because he holds that the fire of the hells is immaterial and invisible, and therefore the sun, whose light is visible, cannot be hell. Ribera and Corn*, a Lapide, who show that the center of our earth would be large enough to hold hell, do not suit the author, who ascribes to them the same wildness of thought by which the Jews and Turks are driven." Benzelius then adds some reflections of his own, wherein he refers to the ubi or pou [Greek]11 of the early Christian theologians, being the unknown place where souls reside prior to the last judgment, when they are to regain their resurrected bodies; and he speculates as to whether this ubi of the damned might not be in the sun.

10 Acta Eruditorum, 1715, p. 107.

* Francisco Ribera (1537-1591), a Spanish Jesuit and Bible Commentator. Cornelius a Lapide or van der Steen (1566-1637), a Roman Catholic professor, distinguished for his numerous commentaries on the Bible.

11 These Latin and Greek words (ubi and pou[Greek]) both signify where, somewhere.

Benzelius concludes his letter by expressing himself respecting the controversy between Bishop Swedberg and Urban Hjärne, and, seemingly, with a somewhat sympathetic leaning toward the latter. Swedenborg answered his brother-in-law in a letter dated STOCKHOLM, NOVEMBER 26, 1719:

Highly honored d: Brother:

I also derive pleasure from my Brother's good health, and also much from the circumstance that what I spoke of in my former letter was to my Brother's liking. This encourages me to think further thereon. As yet, I do not find many proofs thereof in the matter of velocity, but think, as I wrote before, that in this respect, so sudden a change in the earth's course could never have taken place within a short time, but indeed in a long time; and one cannot possibly be brought to think that a planet rushes so swiftly toward its centre as though driven by a Phaeton, if such a circumstance does not at once manifest itself in the sun's diameter. If the sun grows larger and larger before our eyes, then first would be the time to entertain fear because of it, and to commend oneself to God's hands. That the earth, little by little, is drawing in toward its centre may also be concluded from the change in our horizon; for the same shape which exists in the vortice telluris, that same shows itself in the sea or on our earth; and since, in a hundred years, the horizon itself has changed considerably, in that the sea has become rounder, this is a clear proof that the earth is going more slowly, and, consequenter, is drawing itself in.

Of this, I have treated a little in the new edition of the treatise on the Height of Waters and the Ebb and Flow of the primeval World, which I am sending over herewith.

Moreover, it should be certain enough that the whole vortex telluris in which we and our earthly mass lie, is held together only by motion. If the motion stops, the vortex itself is at once dissipated; thus, all "up" and "down" is unmistakably lost; all vis centrifuga or centripeta loses its path; all that holds our elementary substance together, is without hold; thus, in a moment, all things must disperse into their least particles, and this can well be called a fire. For if the vortex is gone, then gone also is all that is "down" to the centrum terrae, and all that is "up" to the zenith; there is no longer any pressure or weight; no diamond so hard that it can be held together. Thus, the holding of things together comes from the ether's pressure to the centre, and this results from the vortice telluris; so that the fire with which our planet will be destroyed might well result from its nearer approach to the sun, and from the circumstance that, in a single moment, all matter, every corpus or element, is dissipated into its minutest particles.

As to what my Brother mentions concerning the pou [Greek] damnatorum1 being in the sun, I think just the opposite, namely, that there, more likely, is the pou [Greek] beatorum.1 My reasons for this are as follows:

1 The "where" of the damned, and the "where" of the blessed.

1. That the sun is a centre for the whole of our mundus planetarius, and that the motion and essence of all things in the vortice solari has its origin in the above-mentioned centre. 2. That the "up" and the sky of the planets is toward the sun; so that if mention is made of going up in the vortice sobari, it is always to the sun, while down is to the extremitates vorticis, ad Saturnum, ad Tartara. 3. That the most eminent light and glory is in the sun, while far away therefrom is darkness and other terrors where the sun is hardly to be seen. 4. But the main reason seems to be the fact that the subtlest of all atmospheres, and the finest essence wherein is the minutest element, are in the sun; for the nearer to the sun, the finer; and in its centre is presumably such fineness that the particles are almost devoid of composition, and so put off the denomination of matter, and also of form, weight, and many other properties possessed by compound particles.

And it would also seem likely that in this finest, must be the finest essences. A God, an angel, a thing which, moreover, has nothing materiale in its being, must be especially in its own element: like seeks like, and the finer does not naturaliter seek the grosser; so that it could rather be believed--though I readily leave this to my Brother's judgment--that God has his seat in the sun, as the Bible says.

As regards the fire, it would be too gross to think that the damnatorum corpora2 are to be tormented by this; for a burning away without destruction is not naturaliter possible. When a fire is burning, one gets the sensation that it is tearing something asunder, loosening it up, and destruerar [destroying] it; where there is no destruction, there also is no burning away. Thus, anguish in the conscience should be a strong enough fire. I hope it will not be interpreted ill that I philosophize on this subject; yet God's Word is the foundation.

2 The bodies of the damned.

As to what I mentioned in my last letter concerning the written matters, I should like to have the opportunity of publishing one or other of them, but still more to show one or other of them in the working. For the rest, I mentioned nothing of having made a careful description of our Swedish ovens and blast furnaces, which I also gave in to the Royal Bergscollegium; and this is the beginning of a description of all our Swedish mining works. Therefore, I handed in3 a little treatise with the title Nya Anledningar til grufwors ignefinnande,4 or some hitherto undiscovered ways to search out mines and treasures long concealed in the depth of the earth, and this has won the good opinion of those concerned.

3 insinuerade. This is the word regularly used to indicate the submission of a written document to one or other of the colleges. In the present case, the document was submitted to the Bergscollegium.

4 New Indications for the finding of Mines.

For the rest, it is likely that what I have now printed, together with an ark [8 pages] on the decimal in our coinage and measures will be my last word, since. I notice that only Pluto and Invidiae [the Envies] have their seat among the hyperboreos, and one secures greater fortune if one acts as a fool rather than as a rational man, etc.

At the same time that I received d: Brother's letter, I was in company with the old man Hjärne; and since I saw that what was written therein concerning him was such that it could be communicated to him, I showed it to him; but he promised to answer it himself.5 My earnest greeting to all d: Brother's family, I remain

Highly honored d: Brother's

faithful brother and servant

Eman: Swedenborg
Stockholm, Nov. 26
1719

P. S. Brother Alh. Schönström,6 sends his greeting and says that in case d: Brother has not yet obtained carriage horses, he has two pairs to show my Brother, from which to choose.

5 Hjarne's answer was written on the same day. See his letter on Nov. 26th cited on pp. 212-13.

6 Albrecht Schönström (1684-1740) was Swedenborg's cousin, being the son of Peter Swedberg (ennobled Schönström), the older brother of Bishop Swedberg. He had just been made (Aug. 6) Lieutenant Colonel of the Household Cavalry (Lewenhaupt, Karl Xll's Officerare).

Swedenborg was much disturbed at this time because of the little encouragement that was given in Sweden to the promotion of learning, even practical learning. The whole attention both of
statesmen and the public was taken up with the many political questions involved in the change that was now going on from an absolute government of the most autocratic kind, to a government
in which the Queen and her Consort were little more than figureheads, the real power resting actually, though not nominally, in the hands of the higher nobility. In addition there was the universal poverty caused by the wars which had prevailed for almost twenty years of Charles XII's reign, and which had brought about the loss of almost all the European possessions of Sweden. The feeling of despair as to the progress of learning experienced by Swedenborg was shared in by other learned Swedes.

The effect on Swedenborg himself was to draw his thoughts more and more to the publishing of his works in Latin, that they might come to the notice of the European world of learning--a world which was especially active in Holland, France, and England. In addition, he began to think of traveling to the continent, not only to publish his books, but also to come into contact with a world where learning was less bound by governmental censorship, and the academic trammels of Lutheran orthodoxy.

His income from his share of the profits of the many furnaces and forges left to her children by Sarah Behm, Bishop Swedberg's first wife, had enabled him to bear the expense of the Daedalus Hyperboreus, and the numerous little works he had had printed. This income had been but slightly added to by the salary received from the Canal work; for even had he received the not inconsiderable sum of 3 d. s.m. [15 d. k.m.] a day up to the time of the King's death, and including the time he spent in Brunsbo, the whole sum would have amounted only to about 1,400 d. k.m.; but it is doubtful whether he received any of this pay, for Polhem does not seem to have had the authority to pay his assistant from the funds at his direct disposal. And although Swedenborg was a duly appointed Assessor in the College of Mines, yet he was not assigned any work, nor was he given any salary. Therefore, while desirous of traveling to the continent, his resources did not yet enable him to do this with any comfort.

It was therefore in a somewhat depressed mood that he wrote to his brother-in-law on DECEMBER 1, 1719:

Highly honored d: Brother:

What I spoke of in my last, to wit, the decimal in our coinage and measures, I am now sending over,--which is my last, of what I am setting up, and this for the reason that qvotidiana and domestica vilescunt [daily and domestic matters are becoming of low esteem], and I have already worked myself poor with them, and have sung long enough to see whether ally one opens up, and puts some bread in my hand therefor.

For the rest, I have long been taken with some desseiner [plans] which I have now at last firmly set my mind on, to see how far they will win my Brother's approval.

1. Vertera [to translate] what I have printed, into Latin or French, and then to send it over to Holland and England; with which, though later on, I wish to include some of my decouverter [discoveries] respecting fire and furnaces and other matters useful in mining districts, together with something that is not printed. My Brother will please be so kind as to give me the names of those who write the Acta and Memoires in those places.1

1 That is, the writers or editors of the French Memoires de l'Academie Royale des Sciences (published also in Amsterdam, under the title Journal des Scavans), of the English Philosophical Transactions and of the Acta Eruditorum published in Leipzig.

2. As I think that I now have some understanding of the mechanics connected with mining districts and mines, so far at least as to be able to describe everything there that is new and old better than any one else; and also the theory with respect to fire and furnaces, in which I have made a heap of decouverter; therefore, I am thinking of using all my remaining time on everything that can be profitable to mining districts and their working; and, on the foundation that has already been laid down, of making myself as well informed therein as possible.

3. If fortune so ordains that I can get together the required means, and if, meanwhile, by means of the above-mentioned praeparatorier and communication,2 I have been able to gain some credit abroad, then my mind is toying with the idea of going abroad and seeking my fortune in my craft, which consists in all that has to do with the advancement of mining, and with mines, etc. For he may be regarded as a fool who is a free and independent fellow, and has his name in foreign lands, and yet remains here in a darkness (and freezes to boot) where the Erynnider,3 Invidiae [the Envies] and Pluto have set their abode, and are those who dispose of all rewards; and such labors as I have taken on me are rewarded with wretchedness. Until that time comes, my only joy now would he bene latere;4 I think I could finally obtinera an angulum [corner] for this in Starbo or Skinskatteberg. But since that time will likely arrive after four or five years delay, I well see beforehand that long laid desseiner [plans] are like long insurrections, which do not carry far, and that some circumstantier, both in the community and in the individual, may break them off and make a change; thus homo proponit, Deus disponit; yet, have always liked it that one knows what he is aiming at, and that one always forms for himself a fine plan on the most feasible lines, to carry out in his daily life.

I remain,

highly honored d: Brother's

most faithful serv. and B.

Em. Sw.
Stockholm, Dec. 1,
1719

2 Namely, by means of the works which were to be published in Latin, and of the addresses and letters of recommendation to be given by Benzelius.

3 The Erinyes or Enmenides (furies).

4 To lie low in peaceful retirement.

On the same day that Swedenborg was writing his letter of Thursday, November 26, 1719, Doctor Eric Benzelius,5 Lars Roberg, and Olof Rudbeck the younger, the only remaining members of the old Collegium Curiosorum, met together with three other Upsala Professors, and formed a Bokwetts Gille (Literary Guild) which was to meet weekly. Its objects were the discussion of all discoveries relating to the advancement of learning, and the publication of a quarterly journal, Acta Literaria Sueciae which was to contain reviews and notices concerning Swedish publications. As the intention was to introduce these publications to the learned world, the journal was to be written in Latin. The Acta Literaria Sueciae has rightly been considered as the successor of the now discontinued Daedalus Hyperboreus, as it is most certainly the predecessor of the present Transactions of the Royal Scientific Society of Upsala.

5 Eric Benzelius had received his degree of Doctor Theologiae, on May 20, three days after Ulrica Eleonora was crowned in Upsala.

The first number of the Acta, which appeared in January 1720, contained a long review of Swedenborg's Height of Water in the Primeval World. This review constitutes the first introduction of Swedenborg's name to the learned world of Europe, and thus fulfilled, in part, his desire to introduce his thoughts and discoveries to a wider and more liberal audience than was to he found in his own country. It may be added, however, that the first mention of Swedenborg's name in the foreign journals occurs in the Neue Zeitungen for March 31, 1721, which printed a long notice of the review of Height of Water in the Acta Literaria.

Toward the end of January, Doctor Benzelius wrote to Swedenborg, inviting him to become a member of the Bokwetts Gille, and the invitation was readily accepted.6 In his letter of acceptance, Swedenborg promises to send communications to the Society from time to time.

He also refers to "two treatises" written by him, which he wished translated into "good Latin." They were probably the works on the Longitude and on the Motion and Position of the earth. Swedenborg thus became the first non-charter member of this Society.7 At the Society's meeting on February fifth, when Benzelius announced this addition to the membership of the Society, he also read the new member's MS on New Indications for the Discovery of Mines.

6 In the Society's minutes of February 5, 1720, it is Said: "Herr Doctor Benzelius related that the Herr Assessor Emanuel Swedenborg had received with thanks the offer made him, to come into the Society, and he promises, on occasion, to communicate what might occur to him." In the Minutes of August 14, 1724, he is included among the members present. The Society, however, does not seem to have kept a list of its members, and after Benzelius's departure from Upsala in 1726, it was perhaps forgotten that Swedenborg was a member; for, in the meeting of October 1, 1729, it is proposed to invite him to join. It may be noted, however, that the Society had now obtained a Royal Charter, and had changed its name, so that the invitation may be considered as an invitation to a new society.

7 In his brief autobiography, written in 1769, Swedenborg implies that he has never been a member of any society except the Royal Academy of Sciences of Stockholm. This is not strictly correct, but it must be added that Swedenborg attended only one meeting of the Bokwetts Gille, and after 1721 seems to have had no communication with it.

Inspired perhaps by the example set by Eric Benzelius and his learned friends in Upsala, some of the more active of the learned in Stockholm raised the question of forming a learned society in that city, and they approached Swedenborg on the subject. The latter, however, was not over enthusiastic, perhaps because he felt there was not a sufficiently strong guiding spirit to ensure success. At any rate, he wanted to be assured that the proposal would not end in mere words. His doubts seem to be justified by the fact that, although the Bokwetts Gille obtained in 1728 a Royal Charter as the Upsala Literary and Scientific Society, it was not until 1739 that the Royal Academy of Sciences of Stockholm was established.

In a letter of about February seventh, Benzelius informed his brother-in-law that he had read his letter of acceptance to the Guild at its meeting on February fifth, and that he had also read the New Indications for the Discovery of Mines, as the first literary communication to the Society by its new member. This letter from Benzelius had been sent enclosed in a letter to Doctor Kudbeck, who was then visiting in Stockholm, but seems to have been lost, as Swedenborg never received it.

About February eighth, a few days after he had accepted membership in the Bokwetts Gille, Swedenborg fulfilled his promise to the Society, by sending to Benzelius the first and second chapters of his Tremulation.8 These were read before the Society at its meetings on February 12 and 19, the name given to the work being The Anatomy of our Finest Nature.9 It was Swedenborg's intention to send installments of this work once or twice a week.

But this intention was not fulfilled, for no installment accompanied his next letter, which, though undated, must have been written about FEBRUARY 11:

8 That both chapters were included, is seen from the MS. copy. See I Phot. MSS. 141

9 Bokwetts Gille, Prot. I, 15, 16.

Highly honored d: Brother:

Last post day I began to send over my Novellas litterarias; shall be wishing that this, as well as the continuation may be pleasing. It is true that Baglivi did indeed first open up the idea; Descartes likewise touched on it somewhat; later Borelli. But no one as yet has proved it and carried it forward; for I hold my proofs to be new and my own, and the idea itself to be another's, though I may well say that what is contained therein I got for myself, and noticed afterwards that it was one with Baglivi's--which has pleased my imagination--such as what is said there about Meningum functione.l It will be somewhat extensive, and I think will reach to seven or eight weeks, even two times a week. Medici [the medical doctors] here in the city will take it first, and all express themselves favorably in regard to it. I will not get it from them until Bromell2 also has had it.

1 The function of the meninges; of Baglivi quoted in the Cerebrum II, 218.

2 Magnus von Bromell (1679-1731) had become a member of the Collegium Medicum in 1716, and in 1724 he became its president and received the title of First Physician. At the same time that he was elected to the Medical College, he inherited a considerable fortune, and with this, he devoted himself more and more to the collecting of coins, and of natural curiosities. This perhaps accounts for his apparent carelessness with respect to Swedenborg's MS. See p. 213, note 20.

Here also they are aiming to set up a Collegium curiosum, and have requested me to join with them, but I ask them as: to actualities and not words.

If it is possible that my two treatises which were mentioned in my last could be translated into good Latin, I earnestly beg for this.

I remain,

highly honored d: Brother's

most humble servant

Em. S.
Stockholm 
[about Feb. 11, 1720]

On February 12, 1720, the first chapter of Swedenborg's Tremulation was read at the meeting of the Bokwetts Gille. This chapter treats of motion as the evidence of life, and of the finest of all motions, as being tremulations.

The reading evidently caused some discussion among the members of the Guild--a discussion which seems to have concerned the relation of tremulations to the animal spirits--and shortly after the meeting, Benzelius wrote to Swedenborg, giving an account of this discussion. He also informed him of the earlier letter which he had enclosed in a letter to Doctor Rudbeck, who was then visiting in Stockholm. From what he learned of the discussion, Swedenborg feared that his thesis would not be understood. He therefore decided, before sending chapters 3 and 4, etc., to send chapter 13-- probably the last--in which he summarizes his conclusions, to the effect that the tremulation of life begins in the fluids, and from them is communicated to the enclosing membranes; and, therefore, that sensations depend on the firmness and tension of the membranes enabling them to convey tremulations in an ordered manner.

This chapter he therefore copied out and enclosed in a letter to Benzelius dated Stockholm, FEBRUARY 24, 1720:

Highly honored d: Brother:

One of d: Brother's letters I received, but that which was enclosed in Doctor Rudbeck's has likely been mislaid in the post to him. I am now breaking off the material and am sending the thirteenth chapter, for otherwise one might grope for the right meaning; would indeed desire that it be taken into full consideration, and that objection be made thereto, from which the subject could receive some enlightenment for myself, thinking that from objectiones I may be able to discover somewhat as to whether I am on the right or a misleading path. But to represent much to oneself concerning spiritibus animalibus, and to pretend to have knowledge of their chymie and function but none at all of their geometry, seems to be too weak a defension. For I assert that tremulation begins in liquido or fluido membranaceo,1 so that, if there is to be any spreading, the membranae must be tensed both with their duro2 and with the vasis sanguineis; for thus all the vasa lymphatica or vasa fluidi nervei in membranis lie in their proper condition and, like all else, the fluid in accordance with its contiguum, premerar [presses] almost in instanti, and thus brings the membranas into tremulation with itself, and these their ossa [bones], so that, almost the whole body comes into a subtle quivering which gives sensation.

I presume that Academici [the members of the Guild] are so reasonable as to removera praejudicia infantiae [put away childish prejudices] and offer reason for reason, and see the preponderance. But more another time. I remain

highly honored d: Brother's

most humble servant

Eman : Swedenborg
Stockholm, Feb. 24,
1720

1 The liquid or fluid of the membrane.

2 Hard [bone].

The first number of the Bokwetts Gille's quarterly Acta Literaria Sueciae was published about the middle of February, and on February 26th, Benzelius wrote to Swedenborg, enclosing a copy. Naturally the latter was pleasing to its recipient, for not only did the Acta give a notice of his Daedalus Hyperboreus parts I-VI and of his little treatises on Algebra and the Motion and Position of the Earth, but its longest article was a review of his Height of Waters, and the Strong Ebb and Flow in the Primeval World. The review was written by Eric Burman, the Secretary of the Guild, who later became Professor of Mathematics at the Upsala Academy.3

3 In the second number of the Acta, Eric Burman reviewed Swedenborg's Method of Finding the Longitude. Both the reviews were summaries, rather than reviews.

Although Swedenborg had given up attending the official meetings of the College of Mines, his interest in mining matters led him to keep in touch with the College itself. It was here that he learned of a report recently received from Henrik Kahhneter,4 then an auscultant of the College engaged in researches into mining engineering, in which he described a steam engine used in Newcastle, England, for pumping water from coal mines.5 Swedenborg was interested in Kahlmeter's report, and, thinking it would be a worthy contribution to the Acta Literaria Sueciae, he took the trouble to include a copy of part of it in the letter which was received by his brother-in-law on FEBRUARY 29, 1720, in which also he enclosed chapters III and IV of his Tremulation.6

4 Henrik Kahlmeter (1691-1764) became auscultant or learner in the College of Mines in 1714, and Assessor in 1734. He seems, however, to have had a special genius for observation, for, during the years 1718-1727, and again from 1729-1731, he was sent to foreign lands to observe and study mining (Almqvist, Bergskollegium). See p. 444.

5 This was an engine invented by Newcomen. A drawing of it is given in Encycl. Brit., s.v. Steam Engines.

6 This was an extra long installment, and Swedenborg refers to it later as "a double installment."

Highly honored d: Brother:

I now send over the Continuation of what has gone before; would wish that it could win the approval of the learned men concerned. Since it has raised doubts, I will observe some delay with it until I get to hear what there can be to object against it; for if one has a contrair opinion, then the best of reasons would be disregarded. In praeconceptis,1 each and every man is almost blind. Yet, from my heart I shall readily leave to the pleasure of my Brother and the service of the publici all that may be called for. One must indeed look out that he does not get the Litteratorum exprobration [reproach of the learned] against him because of some new finds and hitherto undisclosed arguments. In the next chapter are, I think, some still better and more evident reasons taken from our own Sensibus and sensation.

1 Preconceived opinions.

Besides this, I have also different matters which are not yet worked out--something which concerns the mechanism of our passions and of the emotions of our mind so far as these can be deduced from the structura nervorum et membranarum; 2 and, in addition, concerning some unknown properties possessed by the ramificationes minimae arteriarum et venarum for the continuationem motus.3 But since this subject ought to be limeras [carefully investigated] by many reflections and anatomical considerations, this is held back for some better occasion.

2 Structure of the nerves and membranes.

3 "The least ramifications of the arteries and veins for the continuation [or carrying forward] of the motion." A small treatise on this subject was included in the Author's Miscellaneae Observationes, published at Leipzig in 1722.

What has been written concerning fire4 is almost twice as long as this; there I did my best to use diligence.

All this that has now been sent over, I have written up from the first draft; should there be any fault in one or other of the sentiments as regards the wording, it must be ascribed to the circumstance that the correct copy is not yet at hand.

At this moment, I got d: Brothers letter of February 26, and the review5 is a delight; ipsa latinitas etiam laudanda est,6 but it would not have hurt if a little more had been mentioned about the proof that was brought forward regarding the moving of

4 The reference probably is to the work on Fire and Hearths; see p. 215.

5 Namely, the review of The Height of Waters.

6 Even the Latinity is praiseworthy.

stones in a deep abyss, though this is made up for by the treatise itself; I offer due thanks for it. On p. 10 at the end, Singulis hoirs should be singulis sex horis, which call be corrected in the copies that are sent out.

N.B.N.B. I beg that Daedalus, etc., may be inventoried, as I among my papers; as to learn how far the auction has advanced. Two Bibles must have accompanied the packages of books;7 these should be bound at d: Father's expense, one for himself and one for me as a present. If they are in Upsala, I beg that it be done there.

7 These books seem to have been sent from Brunsbo.

Councillor of Commerce Polhem's books8 must be somewhere among my papers; as soon as they are found, they should be sent back.

8 This perhaps refers to the unsold copies of Wishetens andra Grundwal (see p. 150)--the only work by Polhem thus far printed.

If I can safely send the continuation of the preceding,9 it shall be done with the utmost speed; but I do not wish to leave anything to sinistris arbitris [sinister judgments] for heads are not always set alike.

9 That is, of the preceding installments of Tremulation.

In order to communicate further something curiosum which is worth while, there follows an extract from a letter which has lately come from Kohlmtter who is at Neucastel, respecting a new curieus pumping machine. He is an auscultant in the Bergscollegium

Copy:

Here, just outside the city is a newly invented pump built for their coal mines which are much troubled by water, this being their greatest drawback. This pump, an exceedingly fine invention, was first brought to completion six weeks ago. It is driven by fire and water, with a great iron vessel above it, entirely covered except for a little hole. In this vessel, the water is boiled, and the whole machine is driven by the vapor, which comes through the little hole above, which is very powerful and drives up the crossbeam of the pump; and, since with this operation the air is withdrawn, the opening sucks the pump or crossbeam down again; for, on one end of the crossbeam which causes its motion, goes a kind of churn or drum like that by which one makes butter, made of metal, which is so tight that no air can press in at the sides of the piston which goes inside the drum.

This machine, it is almost impossible to describe; such a machine would be highly useful in Sweden at those mines where there is no waterful.10 It pumps 400 hogsheads of water an hour, and can be driven even more powerfully. It consumes about nine tunna11 of coal every twenty-four hours, and can go to whatever depth one pleases. Secretary Triwald's brother,12 who is working here with Messrs. Redley, has promised to send his brother in Stockholm a drawing of it with a complete description.

10 I.e., no waterfall to supply power for pumps.

11 A tunna is about 4% bushels.

12 Samuel Triewald (1688-1743) was at this time a Register or Secretary in the Swedish Foreign Department. He was an ardent advocate of the claim to the Swedish throne made by Charles XII's nephew, the Duke of Holstein, and when, in 1727, that claim was officially rejected, he left Sweden, never to return. His brother, Mrten (1691-1747) was a man of marked mechanical genius. In 1716 he was employed as mine inspector by Messrs. Ridley, the owners of coal mines at Newcastle-upon-Tryne. In 1717 they experimented with an improvement of Newcomen's "atmospheric engine" to pump the water from one of their mines; Triewald introduced several improvements in the steam pump used at the mines. He returned to Sweden in 1726, and in 1728-29, in a room in the House of Nobles, he gave lectures in physics and mechanics which were attended by the most prominent persons in the city. In the latter year he became a member of the Upsala Bokwetts Gille, then under its new name "The Royal Society of Sciences." Soon afterwards he became a member of the Royal Society of England, and in 1739, a charter member of the Royal Academy of Sciences in Stockholm.

My thoughts hereon, in consequence of this letter and also of models of similar machines which were published some years ago, and likewise how it can be used in Sweden, I will set forth in detail on another occasion.13

13 This letter is without date or signature; but the date of its receipt is noted down by Eric Benzelius.

About the same time that Swedenborg wrote the above letter, he in his turn received a letter from his brother-in-law, informing him that Eric Burman was to review his Finding the Longitude for insertion in the second number of the Acta Literaria, and that Birger Vassenius14 had undertaken to translate the whole work into Latin.

14 See p. 163. At this time, Vassenius was doing private teaching in Upsala. In 1722 he received his Master's degree, and became a member of the Bokwetts Gille. In the same year he commenced the publication in Skara of a greatly improved almanac which he continued for twenty-five years.

Swedenborg answered this letter on MARCH 3, but without enclosing any portion of his Tremulation.

Highly honored d: Brother:

By the last post I sent a double quantity to make up for the lack in this post, until I get some information as to whether what has been sent over secures approval or censure. For the rest, d: Brother has the disposal of the little I have assembled.

My Brother will please thank Magister Vassenius on my behalf, who has taken on himself the trouble of the translation.1

1 There is no evidence that Vassenius ever made a translation of Swedenborg's Longitude.

It is well that my Brother will have the work on Longitude reviewed, but I wish that it be done with some care, so that it may find favor abroad, especially since it can be of such great use to the public; am sure that, in some respects, this is the easiest method among those that have been invented. In the translation, and also in the review, for the sake of the continuation [continuity] of the matter, chapters 21, 22, 23 come immediately after the 12th chapter, to wit, in the following order, 12, 21, 22, 23, 13,14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 24.2

2 In the printed review, Burman did not follow this suggestion.

May not now be the time and occasion for proposing to the Diet that which was projected in the blessed King Charles XII's time in regard to the setting up of a new Societas Mathematica such as those that exist at those places where studies flourish, to encourage that for which there are indeed clever men in Sweden, but few encouragements, advancements, salaries, support, etc. In England, such an institution has been established from small beginnings, and by the contributions of many well disposed supporters, and it has performed great uses for that kingdom.3

3 The reference is to the Royal Philosophical Society of London. This Society had its inception in 1645, with informal weekly meetings of divers persons interested in "the new experimental philosophy." In 1662, a charter was granted by Charles II, and the name "The Royal Society of London" adopted. The Society was supported by the weekly contribution of one shilling imposed on its Fellows.

For the advancement thereof, permission will likely not be refused for the yearly establishment of a public lottery (according to my poor suggestion), in which the profit is reckoned in the same way as was recently done in Malm, and as is done every year in France, for the right bringing up of a number of young people and poor children.

D: Brother can best think out how the thing should be set up; a combination of many persons must give weight and autoritet to the project. An income of 5000 dal. s.m. would probably do most [of what is needed], to wit: For salaries, one man at 1000 dal. s.m.; two at 700 s.m.; four at 500; and four at 100. If, for example, the lottery were so instituted that it consisted of 15,000 lots, each of 1 daler s.m., and the prizes were as follows, namely, one of 2000 dal. s.m.; two of 1000 dal. s.m.; four of 500; ten of 100; twenty of 50; fifty of 10; one thousand of 1, the prizes would then come to 9500 dal. s.m., and the profit to 5500 dal. s.m. The 500 could be reckoned for expenses, etc., etc. I remain,

highly honored d: Brother's

most obedient servant

Eman: Swedenborg
Stockholm, March 3,
1720

Almost at the same time that Swedenborg was writing this letter, his stepmother died--her death occurring at two o'clock in the afternoon of March 3d, after a short illness of three days.4 Swedenborg, however, does not appear to have heard of this death, for he left Stockholm so soon after March third that a letter from his father failed to reach him in that city. Meanwhile he went to his favorite retreat, Starbo, where resided his sister Hedwig and her husband Lars Benzelstierna.5 There he copied out chapters 5 and 6 of his Tremulation, which he enclosed in two letters to Eric Benzelius.

4 Tottie, Jesper Swedberg, II, 272.

5 Lars Benzelius was ennobled on June 25, 1719, when he adopted the name Benzelstierna.

It was while in Starbo that Emanuel received word of the sudden death of his stepmother, Sara Bergia. He had been her favorite among all Bishop Swedberg's children. Indeed, she wished to leave him the whole of her valuable property at Starbo, with its forge, furnace, woods, and meadows, etc., and it was only by the persuasion of the Bishop that she was prevailed upon to leave him only his due share, though with the proviso that he should have the option of buying out his brothers and sisters.

As will be seen later, her death made a considerable difference in Swedenborg's financial condition.

After receiving news of his stepmother's death, Swedenborg at once went to Brunsbo, not even troubling to take with him his papers and books.

From Brunsbo he wrote to his brother-in-law on APRIL, 12:

Highly honored d: Brother:

Since my departure from Stockholm, I have had no time to send the continuation of my Anatomy, nor can it he done from here since I do not have the first draft with me, nor does my head remember it. At the first opportunity that can offer, I shall communicate something thereon.1

1 This was never done and all that now remains of the work on Tremulation are the chapters (1-6 and 13) which had already been copied out and sent to Benzelius.

In Starbo, from a man named Kock, I heard something that is worthy of an observation which I shall make at the time of the solstice next June. He, with another man, watched one night on a mountain one and a half miles2 from Starbo. The mountain is called Lansberg and lies between Lodwika3 and Hellsjn, and has below it, toward the sunset, a great lake called Wesman. There he saw the sun over the horizon almost the whole night; and at midnight, when the sun had gone down for half an hour, he also saw it in Lake Westuan. He told this to Master of Mines, Lars Benzel and myself, as being an absolute fact. If this is so, the principal cause thereof must be [Lake] Wesman which made the horizon damp and more disposed for refraction. Meanwhile, I do not wish to set faith in it until I myself can make the same observation, which would be wholly worthy of the Acta Eruditorum.

2 About ten English miles.

3 Ludvika.

My most humble greeting to Sister Anna and little Eric. I remain,

highly honored d: Brother's

most humble servant

Eman : Swedenborg
Brunsbo, April 12
1720

At Brunsbo, Swedenborg began to devote more particular attention to the study of chemistry. He appears to have first entered upon an independent study of this science when, in the Christmas season of 1718, at Brunsbo, he read Hjärne's Acta et Tentamina Chymica, of which he had no very great estimation. But now, for the first time he had within his reach a rich store of hooks written by the leading chemists of the age. These books were in the possession of the provincial physician, Doctor Hesselius, who made his home with Bishop Swedberg. They had been gathered together by a former physician of the Skara district, Doctor Jacob Ludenius,4 who, while studying medicine in Holland, had acquired a considerable library. This was now in the possession of Doctor Hesselius, who became District Physician in 1715, and Swedenborg did not neglect to make use of it in his eager desire to master the facts of nature as a means of investigating their causes.

4 Jacob Ludenius (1679-1712) was the son of Bened. Andr. Ludenius, Rector of Skarstad, some twenty-five miles southwest of Skara. After studying in Upsala, 1701-7, he received an allowance from the Skara Consistory, enabling him to study medicine in Holland during 1708. Returning then to Skara, he was appointed District Physician there. He died in 1712, and in 1715, Swedenborg's cousin, Dr. Johan Hesselius, was appointed to succeed him. His brother, Captain Anders Lundstedt married Swedenborg's youngest sister, Margareta in 1713; See p. 202, note 3.

While in the midst of these studies, he received, at the end of letter from Eric Benzelius, begging him to continue sending installments of his work on Tremulation. Benzelius also stated his intention of going to Brunsbo on Ascension Day5 (May 26). Swedenborg answered this letter on MAY 2, enclosing in his answer a "project of the three tomes on Mechanism on which he was working--namely, On the Mechanics of Fire, of Hearths, and Of Ores":6

5 Probably to attend the funeral of Sara Bergia. In those days, the ceremonial funeral with a commemorative sermon was held several weeks after the death.

6 Bokwetts Gillets Prot. I, 24.

Highly honored d: Brother:

I received d: Brother's letter yesterday, and it would be my greatest pleasure if I were able to continue the anatomy from here. The first draft was left at Starbo; without this, it would be some trouble for me to open up the vestigia [traces] which are already deeply obducta alius generis cogitationibus.1

As soon as I get the opportunity, it shall be done.

1 Covered over by thoughts of another kind.

Since d: Brother is pleased to be here on Ascension Day, I could likely be back in Starbo by the 11th or 12th of June, so as to make the observation referred to [in my last] de sole inocciduo or refracto. Until then, I am suspending judgment until my own eyes have witnessed it.

I am now engaged in running through all the chymier which are to be found in the Ludeniano penu librorum [Ludenian stock of books] which now belongs to Hesselius; for I have set before me to wish in every way to penetrate into all that concerns fire and metals a primis incunabulis usque ad maturitatem2 In accordance with the project of the preceding Memorialet, I am taking the experimenta chymica of Boyle, Beccher, Hierne, Lemmery, etc., and am searching into Nature in minimis, comparing them with Geometry and Mechanics; and I am daily encouraged by new decouverter in all that concerns the nature of subtle substances. This, I am more and more confirmed in, since I already notice that experiments, like a series of links, desire to be in agreement with it. It seems to me, that an endless number of experiments is a good foundation to build upon, in order to make use of the labor and expenditure of other men, that is, to work with the head, over that on which others have worked with their hands. From this could come a multitude of deductions in chymicis, metallicis fire and all their phenomena.

2 From their first cradle even to their maturity.

If it were not too much trouble, I would have liked it if my Brother would be pleased to bring with him Hawksbee's Experimenta Antleae suae3 which the Library bought through me. Therein are many fine experiments in respect to fire, the magnet, etc., in vacuo vel in moto,4 of which I do not remember circumstantierna [the details].

If I had only a day to devote to them down here, the book will be at once returned to my Brother's hands with thanks.

3 Experiments with his air pump. See p. 32, also p. 28.

4 In a vacuum or in motion. If motion is meant, the word should be motu. The context, however, indicates that motu is a slip for aero (in the air).

My most humble greeting is sent to Sister Anna, Brother Eric, etc., I remain,

Highly honored Brother's

faithful brother and servant
Brunsbo, May 2, 1720 Eman: Swedenborg

P.S. Pray bring Hawksbee. When I was journeying down here, I observed on the way how that the very largest stones, like little mountains, to the weight of 300 or 400 skeppunds,5 have come high up in [the mountains].6 Take note of this on the journey down; for me it is a demonstrative argument that in a deep abyss stones are rolled and scattered round about, to wit, are brought higher and higher (since the highest land is in the neighborhood of rebro),7 that is, nearer and nearer to the edge or surface of the ocean, until they come to so little a depth that it was no longer able to roll them away again. This is what I proved8--that a deep ocean is able to do this, but not
a shallow.

5 Between 61 to 81 long tons.

6 Here follows a line which is illegible owing to the frayed edge of the paper.

7 The road from Starbo to Brunsbo runs through rebro.

8 In The Height of Waters, etc.

Whether or not Swedenborg actually tested Kock's observation by visiting Mount Lansberg during the summer solstice on June 3, is not known. In the middle of June, he was in Skinnskatteberg, some thirty miles southeast of Lansberg, and from here he made his first written appeal to the Bergscollegium for recognition. It was dated JUNE 19, 1720:

High and well-born Herr Count, President*,

and Privy Councillor of Sweden

and
Well-born Herr Vice President**, Councillor of Mines and Assessors:

As I desire nothing more highly than to have an opportunity of being of use and actual service to your Excellency and the highly renowned Royal Collegium, therefore, in view of this, I make bold to come in with a humble prayer that your Excellency and the highly renowned Royal Collegium will be pleased to promote my purpose:

requesting of your Excellency and the highly renowned Royal Collegium in deepest humility the gracious favor to promote to some salary and support*** in my post of Extraordinary Assessor, or to advance my fortune in some other way as your Excellency and the highly renowned Royal Collegium map find most agreeable. I am the more induced, in humility, to make this request, because, for improvement in that which I have thought would be of use to my Fatherland, I have already used all that could come to me whether by years, and afterwards in attending on Herr Councillor of Commerce Polhem at the establishment of the dock and the sluicework, wherein I assisted him at my own expense, in humble compliance with the most gracious command of the late King Charles XII. For four years I have had the honor to be a lowly servant in the Royal Collegium; and all else that I have been able to spare, I have used in the costly publication of printed writings, etc., whereby, in the Royal Collegium and elsewhere, I have desired to signify my longing and intention to have the opportunity and the means to be of use and humble service to your Excellency and the highly renowned Royal Collegium; and in this I shall continue to the best of my ability.

I remain your High Excellency's

and

the highly renowned Royal Collegium's

most humble servant.
Skinnskatteberg Emanuel Swedenborg
June 19, 1720

* The President (1721-1727) was Count Jacob Spens (1656-1721). He was succeeded (1721-1727) by Count Gustaf Bonde (1682-1765) who became a lifelong friend to Swedenborg.

** The vice-president was Urban Hjerne. In October 1920 the office was abolished.

*** According to an ordinance of 1673, an assessor extraordinary was entitled to half the salary of an assessor. But see p. 242.

Swedenborg's presence in Skinnskatteberg was caused mainly by the necessity of appearing before the law court in connection with the will of his stepmother. She had bequeathed her mining property at Starbo, Prsthyttan, etc., to be divided equally between Bishop Swedberg's six children, save that Emanuel was to continue to enjoy the full income of Starbo for one year after her death, and was then to have the option of purchasing the property.

But in an oral addition, made on the day before her death, she had included her granddaughter, Sara Lundstedt, among the beneficiaries, thus reducing the inheritance of the Swedberg children from one-sixth to one-seventh. Against this will, there were two contesting parties, one being Sara Bergia's brother, and the other Lars Benzelstierna who also acted for Eric Benzelius, the latter party contesting the oral addition to the will. In answer to this objection, Emanuel handed to the Court on June 21, a document, signed by the proper witnesses, testifying to the facts as to this oral addition. Its validity was subsequently recognized by the Court.1

1 See F. G. Lindh, Swedenborgs Ekonomie, in N. K. Tidning, 1927, p. 77.

When he had completed his part in this contest, Swedenborg went on to Stockholm Here he heard of the death, on June 25, of Johan Angerstein (b. 1672), one of the Assessors of the College of Mines. In his letter addressed to the College on June 19, Swedenborg had asked only for a salary as Extraordinary Assessor; but now, knowing that there was a vacancy, he makes an appeal to the King for appointment as Assessor. The appeal is dated STOCKHOLM, JULY 9, 1720:

Most mighty all gracious King:

I am impelled in humility to come before your Royal Majesty, and in utmost humility to relate, how that in Your Royal Bergscollegium, the post of an ordinary Assessor has become vacant by the removal by death of Assessor Angersten; and, at the same time, in humility to request that, on this occasion, your Royal Majesty, with royal grace, will he pleased to remember me his lowly subject who during the whole of his life has no higher desire than to get an opportunity, by some humble service, to bring into actuality that duty which a subject owes to your Royal Majesty. That I most humbly make request herein, is imposed on me, first, because I have expended my own means on foreign journeys of over four years' duration, when I took it upon myself to procure that which I thought might in time be of some use and service to Your Majesty's kingdom On my return home, I got orders from the late King Charles XII to accompany Councillor of Commerce Polhem, and to assist him in the establishment of public works; this, therefore, in humility, I complied with at my own expense, for three years.

During the same time, I have also laid out my scanty means in the costly publishing of many printed writings, with which, as likewise with that work on Fire and Furnaces which, in humility, I submitted to the Royal Bergscollegium a year ago;1 and also by another writing which can yet be published for the use and advancement of your Royal Majesty's Bergscollegium, I have thought only of showing as a subject my duty and intention to become of humble use to the highly renowned Royal Bergcollegium.

1 See p. 244, note 4.

In addition to this, I have for four years been Extraordinary Assessor in the above-named Bergscollegium, and, without salary, have awaited an occasion to be remembered; whereof also the late Charles XII has most graciously assured me by word of mouth. But since, with his departure by death, my temporal fortune now seems for me to be dead and extinguished, therefore, I flee to your Royal Majesty who is in his exalted place, and ask in humility to be remembered on this occasion with some grace; wherewith, I remain to my dying hour,

Your Royal Majesty's

My most gracious King's

most faithful and humble subject,

Emanuel Swedenborg
Stockholm,
July 9, 1720

Two weeks later, this appeal for royal favor was supported by Bishop Swedberg, who, in a letter dated Brunsbo, July 21, appealed to the King, that, in view of the vacancy in the College of Mines, "he would deign to show me, in my old age, such grace as to favor with this post my son Emanuel Swedenborg, who for some years has been Assessor Extraordinary, and has well used his time in studies and foreign journeys; which, to me in my old days, would be a great satisfaction." Despite these appeals, the appointment went to Johan Bergenstierna,2 a man who had served the College for over twenty years.

2 Johan Bergenstierna (1668-1748) was appointed Auscultant in the Bergscollegium in 1699. He rose through the various grades of service until in 1719 he received the title, though not the office, of Assessor. He succeeded to the office itself in August 1720, and in all likelihood had been promised it when he received the title (Almqvist, Bergskollegium). He became Councillor in the College in 1731, and retired in 1747, two months before Swedenborg's resignation. In 1735 he married Elizabeth Brink, the widow of Swedenborg's brother Eliezer; see p. 110, note 3.

Although during his stay in Stockholm from November 1719 to the end of February 1720, he had attended the sessions of the Bergscollegium only a few times in November, Swedenborg still considered himself entitled to such attendance. But now that his application for an assessorship had been denied, his right to attend the sessions of the College seems to have been challenged. At any rate, one of the Assessors, David Leijei,3 denied him the right to sign any of the college documents, and, as it would appear, Leijel was not contradicted by the College. Yet this same Leijel had been present at the meeting of the college on April 6, 1717, when Swedenborg took the oath as Assessor Extraordinary; and. at subsequent sessions, he had sat with him at the Assessors' table. It should be added, however, that there was some uncertainty as to the exact status of an Assessor Extraordinary. According to an ordinance of 1673, there were to he two assessors extraordinary. These were to have a seat and voice in the Bergscollegium, and were to enjoy half the salary of an assessor.4 But until the appointment of Swedenborg by Charles XII in December 1716, there had been no assessor extraordinary for nearly forty years, and there was some obscurity as to the exact status of that office. During the life of Charles XII no difficulties were raised, and there was no question of salary, since, theoretically at any rate, Swedenborg was being paid for his work by the King. Swedenborg's appointment had been dictated by Charles XII without consulting the College of Mines, and it is not surprising that after the King's death, when Swedenborg attended the College, he was probably made to feel that he would not be recognized.

3 David Leijel (1660-1727) was the son of a Scotch nobleman, who had settled in Sweden. He became Assessor in the Bergscollegium in 1714 (Sv. Konversations Lex, s. v. Leijel).

4 Almqvist, Bergksollegium 17.

And now, having failed in these attempts, (1) to secure a salary, and (2) to receive an assessorship, nothing remained but to wait for the occurrence of another vacancy.5 The prospect of an appointment came with the death of one of the Councillors on November 11. This involved that Stromner, the senior assessor, would fill the vacancy thus created, and that a new assessor would then be appointed to take his place.

For this office, the Bergscollegium had nominated Dr. Magnus Bromell.

5 At that time, the membership of the Bergscollegium was restricted to one president, two councillors, and four assessors. After the appointment of Benzelstierna in August 1720, the four assessors were Anders Strömner, David Leijel, Anders Swab (Swedenborg's cousin, brother-in-law and step-brother, see p,. 7r, note 7), and J. Bergenstierna.

Justly disappointed at this unexpected nomination, Swedenborg therefore again appealed to the King, and this in a letter dated Stockholm, NOVEMBER 21, 1720:

Most Mighty all Gracious King:

Although I acknowledge with respect all that your Royal Majesty's Colleges are pleased to do, and am sure that all will he for the service of your Majesty and the kingdom, yet, your Majesty will not receive it ungraciously that, in humility, I venture to come forward and state:

That for the past half year after the late Assessor Angersteen's removal by death, I have been passed by, although I then had the advantage of having been Assessor Extraordinary in the Royal Bergscollegium for four years; and, further, to state that at the same time, it has been refused me by Herr Assessor David Leyel to sign the letters of the Royal Collegium, as I had done in the time of the late King, and have the right to do by virtue of my warrant. Yet, despite all this, I was in the humble hope of being favorably remembered on some other occasion; and now, in particular, after the removal by death of the late Bergsrd1 Kinmunde*, of being named in succession. But, as I note that I am again passed by, I am thereby shut out from the hope of winning, by preiennent in the Royal Bergscollegium, any opportunity of displaying my humble service in that which is incumbent upon me.

1 The title of a Councillor of the Bergscollegium.

* The true name is Kinnmundt.

Since your Royal Majesty's Bergscollegium is doubtless in some way justified in this action, therefore it is my most humble prayer to your Royal Majesty, that, ill grace, your Royal Majesty may be pleased to remember me, and graciously to examine into the reasons for which I am deemed unworthy.

I acknowledge that I have not yet attained by my years to the same worthiness as others,2 who were in service long before me; nor have had the good fortune humbly to attend the Royal Collegium as auscultant or bergmstare;3 and, in consequence thereof, have not been advanced to an assessorship by the recommendation of the Royal Collegium.

However, I did not myself seek this position; nor have I spent a long time in learning the mining ordinances. But then I have sought to make up for this lack, by expending diligence and expense on those sciences which belong to metals and the management of mining works.

2 Bergenstierna, who had been appointed after Swedenborg's first appeal, was Swedenborg's senior by twenty years, and had entered the College as auscultant in 16933, but Bromell, who received the present appointment, while nine years older than Swedenborg, was a physician, and had not been connected with the College until December, 1719, when he was appointed assistant to Hierne in its chemical laboratory.

3 Master of Mines. A bergmstare had the regulation of mining matters in a certain district.

Your Royal Majesty will be pleased, therefore, not to take it ungraciously that I venture to mention the means whereby I have thought to be able to gain advancement from your Royal Majesty and the Royal Bergscollegium.

First: For over four years, I have been abroad in England, Holland, and France, and there have sought with all possible diligence and expense to acquire mathesis and the like sciences. After this, the late King Charles XII was pleased to appoint me Assessor Extraordinary in his Bergscollegium (as the [enclosed] copies show), and, moreover, showed and promised me all grace.

Then I was with Councillor of Commerce Polhem for three years, and, in humble obedience to his late Majesty's gracious order, was assistant to him at the dock, the sluice work, and other undertakings, and sought with diligence to gain praxin [practical experience] and to acquire whatever the said Councillor of Commerce possessed therein.

Moreover, by the press, I have made public a number of inventa in Mechanicis, Geometricis, Algebraicis, etc., in order to show my desire to be of service to your Royal Majesty, and in some way emulera [to emulate] in your Royal Majesty's kingdom, those who give out such works in foreign lands.

As regards mining matters, two years ago I humbly submitted to the Royal Bergscollegium some new investigations in respect to fire which in time could serve for the advancement of the practice of mining;4 have also had in mind to give an exact description of all Swedish mining operations, and, as a beginning, have humbly submitted a description of Swedish Blast-furnaces and hearths, etc., which the Royal Collegium seems to have received favorably.

4 Swedenborg refers to a work on Fire in his letter to Benzelius of November 3, 1719, where he says that he had been working on "an exact description of our Swedish smelting and blast furnaces; and a theory or investigation concerning tire and hearths" (see p. 215). In his letter of February 29, 1720 (p. 230), he writes, referring presumably to the latter work: "What has been written concerning fire is almost twice as long as this"--namely, Tremulation. It is fair to assume that this work was the "new investigation in respect to fire" referred to as having been presented to the Bergscollegium "two years ago," i.e., in the Fall of 1718. But, after the Spring of 1717, Swedenborg's next visit to Stockholm was from the end of January to the beginning of May, 1719, and again in the autumn of the same year, when, on November 3, he handed in to the Bergscollegium "the aforementioned"; see p. 215. It has been supposed that these words referred only to the work on Blast Furnaces, but in the light of the present text, they must be understood as including the Theory concerning Fire. Therefore the "two years ago" of the text must be taken as a slip for "a year ago," as in his former letter to the King (p. 241). Later Swedenborg translated the work into Latin and published it in Amsterdam, 1721, as Nova Observata et inventa circum Ferrum et Ignem. An English translation is printed in Chemistry, p. 183 seq.

As to chemistry and metals, I have exercised my thoughts on these for three years, and, besides, have traced out their inner geometry and the true reasons pertaining to the experiments which have been set up by chymicis [chemists], whereby I opine no little use will hereafter redound to this science.

All this, however, I am induced to mention as an obligation to do what behooves a subject, in the hope that by advancement I may get the opportunity to attain my proposed end. But since, against all expectation, I find myself twice passed by,5 no other course is left me than to approach your Royal Majesty with an humble Supplique, and most humbly to request that I may enjoy from your Royal Majesty the grace to be remembered in this connection; which would tend to the encouraging of your Royal Majesty's subjects to devote themselves to that branch of work in your Royal Majesty's kingdom which proves to be most useful. Wherewith I remain

Your Royal Majesty's

My most gracious King's

most faithful and humble subject,
Stockholm, Nov. 21, 1720 Emanuel Swedenborg

5 What is meant is that his two previous appeals, one to the Bergscollegium and the other to the King, had been rejected. Actually he had been "passed by" only once, namely, when Johan Bergenstierna had been appointed.

[Enclosures]

We Carl by God's grace, King of Sweden, Gtha and Wende, etc., etc., make known that, inasmuch as we have graciously thought fit that some one who has a good knowledge of mechanics, should also have a seat in the Bergs Collegium; and for this, our faithful and beloved subject, Emanuel Swedberg, in view of his praiseworthy qualities and skill, has been proposed to us; therefore, we have herewith and by virtue of this our open warrant, graciously willed to appoint him, Emanuel Swedberg, to be Assessor Extrordinarius in our Bergs Collegium. To this, all whom it may concern must, give obedient observance. For further assurance, we have confirmed this with our own signature and our royal seal.

CAROLUS

S. Cronhjelm
Lund, Dec. 18, 1716

Read in the royal Bergs Collegium, April 6, 1717.

Carl. Our special favor ... since in grace we have been pleased to advance Eman: Swedberg to be Extraord: Ass: in the Bergs Collegio, yet in such way that at the same time he should accompany Councillor of Commerce Polhem and be his assistant in instituting his constructions and inventions, we have, therefore, desired hereby to inform you of this, with the gracious order that you allow him to enjoy seat and voice6 in the Collegium when he is able to be present, and, in particular, when such matters come up as concern mechanics. Wherewith we command, etc., 

CAROLUS

S. Cronhjelm
Lund, Dec. 18, 1716*

6 The italics in these copies were supplied by Swedenborg.

* This was read in the Bergscollegium on January 7, 1717. See p. 136.

This second appeal to the King was equally unsuccessful as the first, for, on November 25th, the King, acting on the recommendation of the Bergscollegium, appointed Magnus Bromell to the vacant assessorship. Indeed, no appeal was at all likely to be successful, unless the Bergscollegium itself was moved to act favorably; and, for the present, this was out of the question.

Swedenborg was doubtless greatly discouraged by these setbacks to his endeavor to secure appointment to that office which he had come to regard as the field of his life's work;

and his mind turned more and more to a foreign journey when he could publish his works in Latin, and thereby earn a European recognition which would not only enable him to be of use to the world of learning, but would also redound to his credit with the Bergscollegium.

In December he went to Brunsbo to attend the wedding of Bishop Swedberg and his third wife, Christina Arrhusia, which was celebrated on Christmas day by the Bishop's son-in-law Jonas Unge, then Rector of a parish some ten miles south of Skara. From Brunsbo, he then went to his favorite Starbo, where, on February 21, he acted as godfather to his sister Hedwig Benzelstierna's infant daughter.7 While in Starbo, he was busily occupied in revising and translating into Latin, the works which he proposed publishing in Holland. In Starbo he also attended to the lawsuit over Sara Bergia's will. This was finally settled in favor both of Bishop Swedberg's children as against the claims of Sara Bergia's brother, and of the oral will (p. 230); and the court allowed the distribution of the bequests, which included much ready cash. Being thus placed in a favorable financial position, Swedenborg entered into a contract with his brother-in-law Lars Benzelstierna, dated April 16, 1721, whereby they two became joint owners of Starbo, Narmas, and Prsthyttan, after buying out the other heirs. This was an advantageous arrangement for Swedenborg, inasmuch as it enabled him to travel, without concern as to the carrying on of the furnaces, etc., which remained under the able management of his brother-in-law who was the Master of Mines for the district.

7 N.K.Tid., 1917, p. 43.

After completing his work in Starbo, Swedenborg then proceeded to Stockholm, to make his final preparations for what he expected to be a protracted journey to Holland, England, France, Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany. Arriving in Stockholm about the middle of May, he was both surprised and pleased to receive a book entitled De Lapidibus Figuratis published in Lbeck, 1720, which had been sent him with the compliments of its author. It was the work of Jacob Melle, a learned antiquarian and polyhistorian of the free city of Lbeck. A Melle had sent the book to Swedenborg because he had read the latter's work on the Height of Waters, and had cited it in a footnote, as follows:

"Following Joh. Woodward . . . and others, Emanuel Swedenborg, Assessor of the Royal College of Mines in Sweden, in a book written in the vernacular and published in octave, Stockholm, 1719, under the title Arguments taken from Sweden to show that the height of the waters and of the sea in the primeval globe was due to a strong flood, has recently shown in clear fashion and with weighty arguments drawn from the internal and external appearance of the land of Sweden, and from the various things that have been found therein, how widespread over our globe was the extension of this destructive flood, that is to say, the Deluge, in former times, and the nature of the signs and indications of its pristine fury which it has everywhere left behind it."

A Melle's book had probably been waiting for Swedenborg in Stockholm, for it was undoubtedly addressed to him at the College of Mines. It was only in a footnote that his name was noticed, but, and what to Swedenborg was the main thing, this mention was his first introduction to the learned world, as an authority.

He lost no time in acknowledging receipt of the book, in a Latin letter to Melle, dated MAY 17, 1721.*

* The original letter is lost; but it was printed in Acta Literaria Sueciae for July, 1721, pp. 192-96.

I have lately received as a gift from you, most learned Man, a Description of the Figured Stones found in the neighborhood of Lubec, and I am very glad that at this day, by the labor of learned men, memorials are here and there being dug up from the earth which are undoubted indications of a primeval ocean. Figured stones, and likewise various petrified objects are also found in many places in Sweden, and those in West Gothland have been collected with great care by the provincial Physician, John Hesselius. Among us, the most renowned collector of such objects is Doctor Magnus Bromell, Assessor in the College of Mines, who already has many figured stones and other petrified objects engraved on copper; and also Doctor Laurence Roberg, Professor of Medicine in the Upsala Academy. To their care, as, in the present case, to yours, most learned Man, we owe the crowning testimony concerning the depth of the primeval ocean.

That the land on which we dwell was formerly an ocean floor, is most clearly evident both from the above and from other evidences.

On a high mountain, not far from the city of Uddevalla, can be seen an entire tract consisting of conchiform and testudinal shells,1 of diverse kinds; the same likewise on a mountain near Stromstad, which is still higher, being seventy ells above sea level; also in the islands of Cornea and Orousthia,2 where the natives bum from these shells the finest kind of lime which they sell throughout that whole region--so great is their abundance. It would be worth while to have the several species of shells--of which there are a great many--delineated.

1 Conchae et testudines, that is, spirated shells, such as periwinkles, snails, etc., and vaulted shells, such as mussels and cockies.

2 Korn, an island off the coast of Bohusln, some twenty-five miles west of Uddevalla; and Orust or Oroust, also off the Bohuslan coast and not far from Uddevalla. The latter is one of Sweden's largest islands.

In Sweden can also be observed strata of the utmost diversity, as, for instance, in mines here and there; and in Scania,3 in a mine not far from the city of Landscrona; frequently in the rubble of certain mountains, and also in the slopes of the highest hills, such as Kinnekulle, Billingen, etc.

3 Skne, the southernmost province of Sweden.

That the ocean stood high above our land, is a conclusion which, it seems, can be more readily arrived at from the surface of our northern land than from the surface of regions farther away toward the south. Here have been noticed whole regions filled and overlaid, as it were, with rocks of immense weight and size; and the higher the region is above the sea, the greater in size and the more numerous, are the rocks that you will see.

In my treatise, written in the vernacular, and which you, most learned Man, have been pleased to cite in your notes, I endeavored to show that at the bottom of a deep and surging sea, rocks of great weight can be rolled about, hither and thither, and carried throughout the globe. This I strove to deduce from the following hydraulic arguments:

1. That stony matter, as compared with an [equal] volume of [fresh] water, weighs no more than 2-1/2 to 1; and still less as compared with salt water.

2. Furthermore, that in water, almost half its weight is lost, with the result that the 2-1/2 becomes no more than 1-1/2.

3. That thus the weight of a stone is not equally felt in the sea as in the air, since the aqueous element is so heavy that it almost equals the part of the residual-weight; that is to say, since the weight of a rock in water is to the weight of its element, as 1-1/2 to 1; in air, as compared to the weight of its element, it will be 2000 to 1, if not more.

4. That, therefore, if fluctuations drive the sea at its bottom, as storms drive the air at its bottom wherein we live; and if the column of the sea be some hundred ells in height; then certainly, the motion and force of the water fluctuating at the bottom will be increased in the ratio of the altitude and bases, and an ocean wave continued toward the bottom will have more force by reason of its altitude, than the same wave at the surface.

5. And, consequently, that the primeval sea was powerful enough to carry with it rocks of immense mass, spontaneously detached from mountains, and to strew the earth with them here and there, and also to move its whole bed.

6. No otherwise than the atmosphere at its bottom, is wont to carry sand, pieces of wood and bark, leaves, feathers, cloths, and many other things which are a thousand times heavier than the element. If only the air is driven by a storm, such things are snatched up and carried on high as though they were light objects. This force seems due, in part, to the altitude of the atmosphere, and when this is in motion, then, by the weight of its column, it imparts the same force to the storm that any other force imparts to a large body in motion.

7. That many examples of this can be obtained from dykes or water dams which are constructed by means of a double planking with heaps of stones between them. Whenever the water rises up to a height of three or four ells, which is wont to be the case at the time of Spring, we observe such force in the water that it frequently overturns the darn and precipitously carries off the stones with itself, and sometimes conveys them even to a distance of a hundred ells. This also is due to the altitude of the water.

8. Hence, in places in Sweden which are at the highest elevation above the sea, as in the region around rebro which is midway between two seas,4 fragments of rock are observed which are larger and more numerous than elsewhere; for they were able to force their way and follow the waves thus far but no higher, because they were [then] too near the surface [of the sea].

4 Namely, Lakes Venner and Hjlmar.

From the above, it can be inferred that the present surface of our earth owes its unevenness to the ocean, and that all that part of it which consists of mud, shells, sand, stones, and which is not even, is due to fluctuations in the depth of the sea. Hence arose:

1. So many different kinds and configurations of hills.

2. The many strata therein.

3. So many mountain ridges, consisting partly of sand, partly of pebbles, partly of great rocks, and extending to a distance of eight or ten miles.5

5 About 53 to 66 English miles.

4. The roundness of the pebbles, of which these great ridges consist; for they appear as though polished on a wheel--which is a sign that they have been tossed about and rubbed against each other by a continual motion of rolling at the bottom [of the sea].

5. And, what greatly confirms this sentiment, is the fact that in Sweden the tops of the above-mentioned ridges run mostly from north to south, which seems to have come about from constant east and west winds such as we find now in the great ocean; for there must necessarily have been such winds in the diluvian and boreal ocean, seeing that it was devoid of shores, etc., etc.

All that has been mentioned might have happened in the flood, but as to whether they all happened in that year and the Noachian flood, this, perhaps, should be called into question. The reason is, because the cross beams and ribs of trireme ships are still found in many places which are almost forty or fifty ells above the level of the ocean of today. Moreover, in the mountains are seen hooks, rings, and anchors, and many objects which indicate that the ancient inhabitants had a port there; and certain it is that toward the north, the level of the Baltic Sea is still gradually subsiding, and it has been found that within seventy years this subsidence has reached to a perpendicular of four or five ells. Hence, in many places, ploughing is going on where a hundred years ago there was a passage for boats, and sowing, where fish were caught. I myself have seen these marine places, and have heard old men tell stories about them. In western Bothnia,6 within the space of a single century, some towns have been removed from the shore, as though of their own will, and are some hundred or a thousand paces distant from the ancient site of their port.

The same is also said of the city of Upsala and of other cities. This may serve as a sign that these changes did not all occur during the universal flood, but that lands, especially the boreal, lay hidden under a deep ocean for a long period after the time of the flood, and, with the subsidence of the sea toward the north, came to view little by little, that is, provided a ground for habitation.

6 I.e., on the western or Swedish shore of the Gulf of Bothnia.

If the above can be confirmed still further by the discoveries of the learned, such as yours, most learned Man, in the environs of Lbec, this will supply ground for thinking, though not yet for asserting:

1. That the horizontal pressure of our world is subject to change. This follows as a consequence, if the seas are depressed toward the poles, and elevated (as is asserted) toward the equator.

2. And, consequently, that the latitudinal distances vary.

3. That some continental lands might formerly have been islands, and that, in process of time, with the subsidence of the sea, these were joined together.

There are also other points which I do not venture to make public until, fortified by still further proofs, I can rest on a firmer footing.

Meanwhile, it is a delight to search into the causes of things, and to listen to men who, by their genius, penetrate into the arcana of nature, and by their industry and labor, evolve the things of antiquity from those of today. I acknowledge you, most learned Man, to be one of this company, and I most earnestly pray that you may still further serve the learned world. Stockholm, May 21, 1721 [Emanuel Swedenborg]

Whether Swedenborg received an answer to this letter, is not known, but it may be assumed that he did; for Swedenborg does not seem to have been in the habit of preserving the letters he received; at ally rate, so far as is known, very few of such letters are now preserved.

After posting his letter to Melle, Swedenborg sent a copy to Eric Benzelius, together with a request that it be published in the Acta Literaria Sueciae. He also enclosed a list of fifteen Latin works which he proposed to publish in Amsterdam,7 for he expected to start on his journey very soon.

7 Bokwetts Gillets Prot. 50.

Both the letter and the list were published in the third or July issue of the Acta for 1721, from which the latter is here copied: 

I. Part One of Natural Principles concerning the diversities of round particles.

II. The Theory of Water, briefly setting forth geometrical and experimental demonstrations of water particles, that is, their interior mechanism.

III. Part Six of Natural Principles. Concerning the interstitial figures of water in the quadrate pyramidal position.

IV. The Theory of Common Salt, containing geometrical and experimental demonstrations of the particles of common salt, that is, the mechanism of their interior texture.

V. The Theory of Acid Salt, containing geometrical and experimental demonstrations of the particles of acid salt, that is, the mechanism of these figures.

VI. The Theory of Nitre, containing geometrical and experimental demonstrations of the particles of nitre, that is, their mechanism.

VII. The Theory of Volatile Urinous Salt, containing experimental and geometrical demonstrations of the particles of oil and of volatile urinous salt.

VIII. Appendix, or certain general rules concerning transparency and the colors white, red, and yellow; drawn from our theory of light and rays.

IX. The Theory of Lead, containing geometrical and experimental demonstrations of the particles of lead, that is, the mechanism of its interior texture. The preface treats of matter and of metallic particles and their origin. Toward the end is a bare recital of experiments in respect of silver and mercury.8

8 Nos. I-IX are the titles of works which Swedenborg wrote from time to time in Swedish, commencing in January 1718, and are the chapter headings of the book printed in Amsterdam in 1721, under the title "A Forerunner of the Principles of Natural Things, that is, of new attempts to explain chemistry and experimental physics geometrically," but commonly known as "Chemistry." The published work consists of A Parts A VIII, IX (no. II), X (no. III where it is called "Part Six"), XI (IV), XII (V), XIII (VI) and XXV (IX). This indicates that these "Parts" were intended to be chapters in a greater work, projected for the future--a conclusion that is confirmed by the title "A Forerunner," etc., given to the published work.

X. Some New Observations or rough experiments concerning fire, iron and its ore and ashes, gathered from its great furnace; together with the construction of the latter.

XI. A Treatise concerning the elementary nature of fire.9

9 Nos. X and XI were published by Swedenborg in Amsterdam in 1721, under the title "New Observations and Discoveries respecting Iron and Fire." This is probably the same work as that which, in his letter to the King, of November 21, 1720, Swedenborg says that he submitted to the College of Mines "two years" previously; see p. 244, note 4.

XII. Description of a naval receptacle, commonly called a Dock, for the repairing of ships in ports to which no tidal wave approaches.

XIII. A new Construction of a Water Dam or Mole, whereby rivers and torrents of water are stopped by a contrivance such that, the greater the quantity of the rushing water, and the deeper and more vehement, the more firmly does it stand, at the same time that it is constructed at less expense, and lasts longer than the ordinary dam.

XIV. A Method of searching out mechanically the powers and qualities of ships of divers kinds and construction.

XV. A New Method of finding the Longitude of places on land and at sea, by means of the moon.10

10 Nos. XII to XV were printed as a single book (in Amsterdam 1721), with No. XV as the title. Nos. XII and XIII are a description of Polhem's work at Karlskrona, no. XII being a translation or adaptation from the Swedish tract which Swedenborg published in 1719. Nos. XIV and XV are translations or adaptations of articles previously printed in the Daedalus Hyperboreus.

On May 28th, Swedenborg again wrote to Eric Benzelius, enclosing as his contribution to the Bokwetts Gille, a MS. copy of the Latin work on Finding the Longitude, which he proposed publishing in Holland.11 On the same day he left for Holland, going by way of Copenhagen and Hamburg.

11 Bokwetts Gillets prot. p. 51.

On this journey, he had as companion and fellow traveler, his cousin, Doctor John Hesselius,l2 who was going to Holland to obtain a medical degree at the university of Hardervijk. Doctor Hesselius, since his appointment in 1715 as the Provincial Physician for West Gothland, had made his home with his uncle, Bishop Swedberg. He was but a few months older than Emanuel, and the two cousins were closely bound together by a common love of investigating the phenomena of nature.

12 Hesselius's mother was the sister of Bishop Swedberg's second wife, Sara Bergia.

Though in a way repudiated by the College of Mines, Swedenborg was still determined to maintain relations with that body.

Indeed, one of the purposes of his present journey was to perfect himself in the science of mining and metallurgy, that he might the better serve the mining industry of his country. Therefore, before crossing the Sound to Denmark, he addressed a letter to the College of Mines, dated HELSINGBORG, JUNE 30, 1721:

High-born Herr Count

and President*,

and well-born Herr' Councillors and Assessors:

Since I am now on my way, again to make a journey to foreign lands, it devolves upon me to inform your high Excellency and the highly renowned Royal Collegium thereof, in writing, especially since my only object therein is more closely to inform myself with respect to foreign mines, their condition and methods, and also with respect to trade, so far as it concerns metals in particular. To this end, I have proposed to myself to visit those places where are mining works, and also those where metals are sold, and I think, therefore, that it would best serve the attainment of my purpose to go first to Holland, and from there to England, and then to France and Italy, and after this, via Venice, to Vienna and the Hungarian works, and, finally, to the German. If it pleases your high Excellency and the highly renowned Royal Collegium to deign to approve of my well intentioned proposal, and to give me instruction and guidance as to what I ought chiefly to inform myself of at each place, then, besides its being my duty to conform myself thereto, it would be a highly prized guidance for the best use of my time on that which may be of service to the public.

* The President was Count Gustaf Bonde; see note to p. 238, 12b.

Within six weeks, God willing, I think to be in Amsterdam, where I shall await your high Excellency's and the highly renowned Royal Collegium's gracious pleasure.

I remain, in the utmost deference,

Your High Excellency's

And

the highly renowned Royal Collegium's

Helsingborg most humble servant,
June 30, 1721 Emanuel Swedenborg

This letter was received by the College of Mines on July seventh, and was ordered entered in the file of Letters and Memorials, but nothing further was done in the matter--an indication, if one were needed, that Swedenborg was not in favor in that quarter.

Swedenborg arrived in Amsterdam about August 12 according to the Old Style or Julian Calendar retained in Sweden until 1753, or August 23, according to the Gregorian Calendar which had been adopted by Holland and Protestant Germany in 1700. Here he at once gave to the printer the MSS. he had prepared, namely, the forerunner of the Principles of Natural Things (Chemistry), On Iron and Fire, and Finding the Longitude, the last two being small works of about fifty pages each. These works were published anonymously-perhaps, that they might receive an unprejudiced hearing, since his name was little known to the learned world. Still, he made no secret of his authorship when presenting copies to his friends, and it was not long before that authorship was generally known.

It may be noted in passing, that the publication of these works marked a decided advance in Swedenborg's entry into the learned world of Europe. His name as an author had appeared in Melle's work in 1720, and several times in the Neuer Zeitungen in 1721, but now it appeared in that prince of European learned journals, with its wider circulation, the Acta Eruditorum. Here, in its issues for February, April, and May, 1722, were published long and flattering reviews of the above mentioned three works, accompanied with a reproduction of several of the illustrations.

The Forerunner and the two smaller works were issued from the press on October 21, and Swedenborg at once sent copies, printed on superior paper, to the famous Doctor Boerhaave of Leiden University, and to his old friend, Joakim Frederick Preis,l with whom he had had many pleasant associations during his visits to The Hague and Utrecht in 1712 and 1713. At that time Preis had been Secretary to Baron Palmqvist, but now he was Palmqvist's successor as Swedish Resident at The Hague. The copy of the Forerunner sent to Doctor Boerhaave, and which is now preserved in the British Museum, was inscribed: "To the famous professor Dr. Hermann Boerhaave, widely celebrated throughout the world for ingenuity, learning, and experience, these three attempts are sent as a friendly and most respectful offering, by the author, Em. Swedenborg, Assessor in the College of Mines in Sweden. Amsterdam, Oct. 21, 1721."

1 See pp. 43, 44.

The copy sent to Minister Preis was accompanied by a letter dated OCTOBER 21, 1721:

Well-born Herr Resident:

I should long before this have had the honor of waiting upon the Herr Resident by letter, but as I have had in hand the publishing of some small Tentamina Mathematica, I thought to postpone this until I had the honor of sending over at the same time some copies thereof. The Herr Resident will be so kind as to interpret this favorably. This is merely some discoveries in Mathematicis, and also one dealing with the Longitudinem locorum, by trial, will1 be shown to be applicable;2 likewise another concerning mineralibus, etc. The Herr Resident will perhaps look through this at spare moments.

1 In the original letter, between the words "trial" and "will" there is written, above the line, a sign which may possibly be an arbitrary sign for Deo Volente.

2 Swedenborg here probably had in mind the last paragraph of the work in question, wherein he promises "very shortly to produce some longitudinal observations made by this method."

In a few days I will pay my respects, in order then also to express my thanks for the Herr Resident's kindness eight years ago in Utrecht. Meanwhile I take leave, remaining with all esteem,

the well-born Herr Resident's
Amsterdam humble servant
Oct. 21, 1721 Eman. Swedenborg

A few days later, after settling his business at Amsterdam--for all these publications were printed at Swedenborg's own expense--and having nothing further to publish at this time, Swedenborg paid a visit to The Hague, where he renewed his friendship with the learned Resident,3 and discussed with him both the contents of the newly published books, and the present political and financial position of Sweden. Although twenty-two years younger, Swedenborg seems to have had a particular affection for this clear-sighted diplomatist, whose services were so valued that, despite changes of government, he was kept in his place as Minister at the Court of Holland to the end of his life in 1759.

3 Preis (1667-1759) had received the degree of Doctor of Law from Oxford University, when he was twenty-five years old.

From The Hague, Swedenborg went to Leyden where he spent several weeks, associating with the learned professors of the famous university, the prince of whom was Doctor Boerhaave, and consulting the books in the library. At the commencement of his stay here, he wrote to Resident Preis on NOVEMBER 8:

Well-born Herr Resident:

I have the greatest reason to offer thanks to the Herr Resident, both in writing and by the spoken word, for the great hospitality received in The Hague, and also for the pleasant discourser concerning our economic condition in Sweden, which show so well that the Herr Resident is a good patriot who has penetration into that in which our land is lacking for its recovery. If a good intention and an understanding could he of help for the elevation of Sweden, then the Herr Resident would be the one on whom my vote would fall, whose counsel should be followed; would wish for nothing better than to find some opportunity to show with what high regard I desire to he able to be of service and pleasure to the Herr Resident.

My most humble greeting is sent to the well-born Herr Secretary Neritius whom I had the honor of seeking three times, but always hit upon the hour when he was gone out; but the Herr Resident will perhaps most kindly announce this to him, and the greeting which is due from me.

It may be that some letters for me will come to The Hague, which I would most humbly request to receive here in Leiden, addressed to the bookseller Wishoff. Besides this, I am under obligation for the previous releasing of three letters. I remain, with all esteem in the world,

The well-born Herr Resident's

most humble servant

Eman. Swedenborg
Leiden, Nov. 8, 1721.

During his five weeks stay in Leiden, Swedenborg was busy writing articles on various subjects, all but one of which were subsequently incorporated in his Miscellaneous Observations. Then, early in December he left for the Hague, doubtless to pay a farewell visit to his old friend, Resident Preis. Here on December 8, he and his friend had the delight of witnessing a magnificent exhibition of fireworks, and the mortification of knowing that, while it celebrated the conclusion of a war between Russia and Sweden that had lasted for twenty-one years, it also celebrated the victory of Peter the Great and the Peace of Nystad signed on August 30, 1721--a Peace in which the Swedes, helpless both in arms and in finances, were compelled to submit to the most humiliating terms.1

1 Fryxell 31:18 seq.

Celebrations of this peace, and also of the assumption by Peter the Great of the title "Emperor of all the Russians,"2 were staged at several places in Holland; but the most magnificent was staged by the Russian Resident at Amsterdam. There after a sumptuous banquet casks of wine were broached in the streets, and, when darkness came, came also a magnificent display of fireworks. This took place at the waterside, on a large platform whereon had been erected a building of four stories, representing the tower of June, and surmounted by a large Russian eagle, thirty-six feet high. The building was illuminated early in the evening, but the fireworks did not start till 8.30 when the temple was fired at the top. Fiery arrows then shot forth from it, balloons were emitted, fiery wheels whirled, and a veritable mountain of flame was seen. The display lasted for two hours, and throughout was accompanied by military music.3

2 The Cambridge Modern Hist. V: 542, 615.

3 Europ. Mercurious, 1721, pp. 282-88.

The nest day, Dec. 9th, Swedenborg left the Hague for Amsterdam, where he was joined by his cousin Hesselius, who had been studying at Hardervijk some fifty miles east of Amsterdam. Here on December 10th (Nov. 29th, O. S.), just prior to his departure from Amsterdam,4 he posted to Benzelius a copy of the articles he had written in Leiden, accompanying them by a letter which, however, is now lost.5

4 Bokwetts Gillets Prot. 63.

5 With one exception, these articles, together with others, were subsequently published as Miscellaneae Observationes, Leipzig, 1722. From the copy sent to Benzelius, it appears that they were written in the following order: Misc. Obs. III, I, 6; II, 13; III, 2-4; II, 14; an article on conserving heat in rooms. See Phot. MSS., I, pp. 189 seq.

By now Swedenborg had given up his original plan of going from Holland to England, and decided instead to visit the milling districts in the Hartz country. He and his cousin therefore left Amsterdam for Aix-la-Chapelle, where they spent a few days observing the geology of the place. From Aix-la-Chapelle, they went to Liege where they spent Christmas.

In Liege, both Hesselius and Swedenborg were particularly interested in the geology of the immediately surrounding country, especially in the various strata, the petrified plants, etc. Swedenborg also busied himself with experiments;6 and his restless pen found time to write a long article7 describing a certain stratum which he had observed, near the monastery of the Chartreux in the neighborhood of Liege.

This article he sent to Benzelius, and, as though it were a letter, he signs it: "DEC. 12/23, 1721, Leodii,8 Em. Sw.," after which he adds:

6 Some of these experiments are described in Misc. Obs. I, 5, 7, etc.

7 Printed in Mis. Obs. I, 9.

8 The Latin name for Liege.

P.S. In Holland, great illuminations have been made by the Russian minister, because of the peace, and I was in the Hague when Prince Kuratkin9 let his rockets burst and his wine flow, during which the following lines stood forth [in my mind]:

9 Prince Kuropatkin, the Czar's brother-in-law. He lived at The Hague (Mottley, II, 283).

With death the eagles triumphed,

With peace, they triumph now;

The gentle peace abiding

Where Mars before did stand.

For twice ten years lay groaning

In pain the turbid north

But peace with branch of olive

Brought joyous day.

And now

Who streams of blood have waded

Shall go through nectar's streams

And then, with Mars enfettered

Comes Bacchus forth to war.

But had it been permitted, these lines might well have been remoulded as follows:

With death* the eagles triumphed

So triumph they with peace,

The Czar himself abiding

Where formerly stood Mars.**

For twice ten years lay groaning

In pain the Russian north

But peace with branch of olive

Brought joyous day.

And now

Who streams of blood have waded

Shall go through nectar's streams

And then with Mars** enfettered

Comes Bacchus*** forth to war.

* Namely, with the death of Charles XII.

** Charles XII.

*** The god of the Moscovites.

Three days later, being the day after Christmas, or, according to the Julian Calendar, still used in Sweden, December 15th, Swedenborg sent five more Latin articles to Upsala, all of which seem to have been written by his busy pen, after leaving Amsterdam.10

10 In the order in which they were written, these articles, as subsequently printed in the Miscellaneous Observations, are II: 10-12; I:9; 11:8. It may be added that all the articles sent by Swedenborg to Benzelius include neatly executed drawings, illustrative of the text.

On the last page of the MS., he wrote:

Highly honored d: Brother:

As I have opportunity and time, I will send over some cogitata, which perhaps may he of use to my Brother in the meetings with the Members of the Society;1 hope, on another occasion, to be able to communicate something more agreeable, since I am these days occupied in experimenting with and testing one thing and another.

1 It would seem that in sending these articles to Upsala, Swedenborg had in mind that they might be printed in the Acta Literaria Suceciae; that after leaving Liege, he decided to publish them himself in a book of Miscellaneous Observations; and that, toward the end of April, he wrote Benzelius to that effect, having previously ceased sending any articles to Upsala. For at its meeting of April 20, 1722, the Bokwetts Gille decided to insert, in the second number of the current Acta, the article on salt-boiling in Sweden, being one of the last bath sent over. This article, however, did not appear in that number, but in its place, one of the first batch of articles (on the preservation of heat in rooms). Presumably, Benzelius had asked for this on account of its practical value, and Swedenborg, consenting, did not include it in his Miscellaneous Observations.

Most humble greetings to all good friends. I remain ever

highly honored Brother's

obedient servant

Eman. Swedenborg
Luik,2 15 Dec. 1721.

2 The Flemish same for Liege.

In the morning, God willing, I am thinking of going to some mining districts in Germany.

At Liege, Swedenborg separated from his cousin Hesselius, who, now that the Christmas holidays were over, returned to his studies at Hardervijk, and journeyed via Cologne, Marburg and Cassel to Leipzig. Here he gave to the press various essays which he had brought from Sweden, together with others, written in the course of his journey and also in Leipzig itself. They were published early in April,3 under the title Miscellaneae Observationes 1-3; but prior to their appearance, Swedenborg had already left Leipzig.4

The Miscellaneous Observations was dedicated to Count Gustaf Bonde, who, on January 9, 1721, had been appointed President of the College of Mines; and on its title-page, Swedenborg, despite all his disputes, signed himself "Assessor" of that College.

3 The work was reviewed in the Neuer Zeitungen for April 16, 1722.

4 From Swedenborg's note introducing the Errata in his Misc. Observations, it is clear that a copy of the printed work had been sent to him after he had left Leipzig, leaving him no other recourse than to add a page containing the more serious errata.

Swedenborg left Leipzig early in March, and arrived in Brunswick by the middle of that month. From this city he wrote a letter dated Brunswick, March 18 to Eric Benzelius which, however, is now lost.5 He spent some time in Brunswick where he was well received by the reigning nuke, and particularly by his brother, Ludwig Rudolph, Duke of Blankenburg. From the latter, he received marked encouragement to pursue his investigations in the Hartz mining districts which belonged to the Duke. At the end of April he had some of the results of these investigations, together with one or two essays, printed in Schiffbeck, now a part of the city of Hamburg, under the title Miscellanene Observationes, pt. IV, which he dedicated to Duke Ludwig Rudolph.

5 Bokwetts Gillets Prot. 64.

After his examination of the Hartz Mines, he had intended continuing into Italy, but, in June he received disturbing news from his father, who begged him to come home; in order, as the oldest son of the house, to do what he could to settle a grievous dispute that had arisen among the members of the family over the distribution of a rich inheritance, and to use his influence to prevent the matter being taken into court.

The dispute concerned the property of Swedenborg's maternal uncle, Captain Albrecht de Behm. He had died some twenty years earlier, but meanwhile his extensive property had been under the management of his capable sister, Swedenborg's maternal aunt, Brita Behm. The heirs to this property were the offspring of Albrecht Behm's five sisters. Settlement had already been made with some of these children, but this was held by others to be illegal, and they brought suit against Brita. Pending determination of this suit, the latter refused to distribute the inheritance. The matter came to court before Swedenborg could return to Sweden, and on June 20, the court ordered the distribution, with the proviso that the heirs shall guarantee Brita against any possible loss.

It was this family dispute that induced Swedenborg to cut short his projected travels, and early in July he returned to Sweden. He went, however, not to Brunsbo or Stockholm, but to the fashionable spa at Medevi, situated near the northeastern coast of lake Vetter. There were several reasons for his going to Medevi, not the least of which was that his brother-in-law Eric Benzelius was then taking the waters, and with him his wife, Swedenborg's sister Anna. Later they seem to have been joined by Bishop Swedberg, who probably came to Medevi, not only to see his son and daughter, but also to attend the royal festival to be spoken of later.

During his travels, Swedenborg had acquired much new information concerning mining matters, and particularly concerning the smelting of ores. Indeed, so great was this fund of new information, that, before returning to Sweden, he had printed a prospectus of a book on "The Genuine Treatment of Metals," which he proposed writing, and for which he invites advance subscriptions." What was uppermost in his mind was the utilization of his new discoveries for the advancement of mining and metallurgy in his native land, and it gave him no little pleasure to know that the king and queen were then visiting in Medevi.

Soon after his arrival, early in July, 1722, he addressed the King in a letter dated MEDEVI, JULY 14*, 1722:

* July 14 was Medevi's birthday (Cederborg, Urban Hjerne, 9, p. 189).

Most Mighty and ever gracious King:

As your Royal Majesty is pleased to have gracious solicitude for his kingdom's mines, and is also pleased to promote projects which contribute to their advancement and improvement; in view of this, I take the liberty, in all humility, to bring forward one or two projects whereby the mining work in Sweden stands to be made better--but, for the present, only the project that concerns the working of copper. For I have carefully examined the processes which are used therein in Sweden, and have compared them with the processes used abroad, and have also taken into consideration the difference in the ores, and have thereby discovered some new methods whereby copper stands to be considerably bettered in its treatment here.

Should your Royal Majesty graciously grant it, then, from the same quantity and kind of ore--namely, that which is found in the great copper mine in Fahlun--I am willing to undertake to get at least 11 skeppunds1 instead of the 10 skeppunds which are obtained from it at present by the process used and customary in Sweden.

Thereby, in the mines in Sweden, there would stand to be a gain of ten per cent, and, in all, from eight to nine hundred skeppunds of copper.

6 NEW PHIL., 1929, P. 113 seq.

1 A Skeppund (pronounced shep-pund) equals about 375 lbs.

If your Majesty should be pleased graciously to consider my proposal, I most humbly submit to your Majesty's most gracious pleasure, to put it to the proof on a large scale; which can be done by an equal dealing out of the same kind of ore and charcoal; and that this may be carried out without cheating on either side, the Royal Bergscollegium might be pleased to arrange for this in a suitable way.

In order to remove all obstacles, I take it upon me, if at the testing of my new method, there should be any loss of charcoal, or copper, as against what is usual, at once to make it up to the mining authorities out of my own means. But if, on the other hand, it is shown that there is a gain of ten per cent or more, then your Royal Majesty will be pleased most graciously to allow me the first year's gain which may be enjoyed therefrom, reckoned for the whole copper working in Sweden which may be benefited thereby; and also that this may be paid to me by the public,2 as soon as the tests have been passed on.

2 "Af publico" that is, by each smelter of copper.

And since our Swedish copper smelting is subject to uncertainty, as to what can and ought to be got out of a given quantity of ore or of skrsten;3 so that in Sweden it depends on the smelters, the furnace, and especially, as pretended, on luck; and sometimes and against all expectation, one gets the half or less, of what can be obtained; this also should be set on a surer footing, and the causes be shown and the means for betterment. And since this can bring an increase, as great even as the former, your Royal Majesty will be pleased, most graciously to bear this also in mind as being, when shown and adjusted, of use in like proportion as the former; for it behooves us in Sweden, as much as it does those in mining districts abroad, to have the benefit of being able to get as much copper out of ore as is shown by tests on a small scale.4

3 The Swedish name given to the lumps of impure copper that result from the first smelting of the ore.

4 This suggests that Swedenborg had found that the copper obtained by the smelters of the ore from the great copper mine, was less than that obtained from assaying the same ore.

Should some saving in charcoal be shown, this also should most graciously be borne in mind by your Royal Majesty, as being of use in the same proportion as the former.

But, since, in view of lack of experience in those who work with new processes and furnaces, a single test is unavoidably subject to some uncertainty, I, on my side, claim for myself a second test, in addition to the first, and this must be granted me if I find it necessary; and on the other hand, as against this, the mining authorities have also the right to demand another test. In all which I submit myself to your Royal Majesty's most gracious pleasure, I remain

Your Royal Majesty's,

My most gracious King's

most humble and dutiful subject
Medevi, July 14, 1722. Eman. Swedenborg

This letter the King at once sent to the Bergscollegium to be passed on by the Assessors there.

The presence of King Frederick and Queen Ulrica at Medevi was not merely, if at all, for the purpose of taking the waters; it was a continuation of the Eriksgatan5 or royal progress through the kingdom which the King had commenced in the beginning of 1722. His real purpose in these royal journeys was to cultivate popularity among the people with a view to encouraging a movement for the enlarging of the royal power, which had been so drastically limited by the constitution of 1719.6

5 Eriksgatan was the name given to a very ancient Swedish custom, according to which the King, sometimes alone and sometimes accompanied by the Queen, made a tour throughout the kingdom in order to meet his subjects, and personally hear petitions, etc. It was in the course of this Eriksgatan that the King and Queen visited Brunsbo in September of this same year.

6 Malmstrm, Sv. Polit. Hist. I: 351; Nastrm, Det Gamla Medivi, p. 141.

It was with such a design that the royal pair was now visiting Medevi,7 and it was in furtherance of the same design that the King held high festivity with sports and dancing on "Frederic day," Wednesday, July 18.* For this occasion, Swedenborg addressed to the royal pair the following lines, which he composed for the occasion.

7 Fryxell 31:46, 47.

* July 18 was the name-day of all Fredericks, being the day of the saint after whom they were named. King Frederick was born on April 28.

FESTIVE JOY

To the day appointed in the calendar, the day of the most

August King of Svea, Gotha, and Wensla
Which is to be celebrated at the fount of Medevi with sports and

dances on [the 18th] day [of July], 1722.
Sacred is Medvi's fount, but sacred more I trow
The fount where Muses hold their yearly festivals.

Behold, the Royal Pair to whom all Svea looks

Is present here, as Phoebus shining bright, as Pallas wise.

And here, by Medvi's sacred wave they see

The joys supreme that mark their festal day.

Thou, Queen Ulrica, first hath seen thy day.

And thou, O Frederic King now seeth thine8

Long live th' illustrious King, long live the Queen.

To this my prayer, the fount of health gives nod.

The sibyl adds thereto yet somewhat more.

But mute the Muses;'tis but the Fates who know.
Sacred is Medvi's fount, but sacred more, I trow
The fount where Muses hold their yearly festivals.9

8 The allusion is to the fact that Ulrica Eleonora was recognized as the lawful successor to the crown of Sweden, immediately after the death of her brother, in December, 1718, and was crowned in the following May; but it was not till the Spring of 1720 that the government consented to her wish to share the throne with her consort, and recognized the latter as king.
9These lines were probably read during the festival. They were read at a meeting of the editors of the Acta Literaria Suecia, on August 17, and were referred to one of their members to decide as to their publication in the Acta. Apparently, his decision was negative, for they were not published (Bokwetts Gillets Prot. 70).

Swedenborg left Medevi in the latter part of July, when he proceeded to Stockholm. Here, at the urgent request of his father, he held consultation with his Aunt Brita and her son-in-law and Swedenborg's old teacher, Johan Rosenadler, as to the division of the de Behm property. The object of these consultations was to avoid further lawsuits, by making some equitable arrangement that would be satisfactory to all the heirs. For, despite the fact that the Court had ordered the distribution of the de Behm property, the heirs were still at loggerheads, their ire being visited especially upon the capable Brita Behm under whose care the extensive property, consisting mainly of mines and smelteries, had been so ably managed for more than twenty years.

On July 10, prior to his visit to Medevi, Bishop Swedberg wrote to Rosenadler:

"I regret that there are such troublesome and unreasonable heads that they cannot receive in harmony God's rich blessings, but begin with quarrels, etc. Thus, then, will good sister Brita get great worry as a reward for all her care. Had some one else had it in hand, they would have seen whether they would have had as much to expect. My son, the Assessor, will likely be so at one with that which will make union with sister Brita, that they will not go far."

A little later, at the end of July, when on his homeward way from Medevi, the Bishop wrote again to Rosenadler: "My son Emanuel is probably in Stockholm by now, and I have bid him to be at one with his brother in the matter of the inheritance, and to avoid quarrels and processes which breed great difficulties, and the greatest part comes into the hands of sharpers."

Swedenborg had little difficulty in coming to an agreement with his Aunt Brita and her son-in-law, and all that was required to implement the agreement was the signature of Swedenborg's cousin Peter,10 the oldest son of Anna Behm and Peter Swedberg (ennobled Schönström), Bishop Swedberg's older brother. What was the nature of the agreement which Swedenborg made with Rosenadler, is not known, but it probably contained a provision under which Swedenborg agreed to buy out his sisters' shares. At any rate, he commenced doing this in the Spring of 1723, and by 1724 he became the sole owner of the larger part of his mother's share in the de Behm inheritance. Besides other rich properties, this included ironworks at Axmar, of which, in May, 1724, Swedenborg came into possession of one-fifth, while his aunt Brita owned four-fifths. These works were situated on the Gulf of Bothnia, some one hundred miles north of Stockholm, and included a private port and extensive woods and farm lands. At the time of the present contract, they were valued at almost 150,000 dalers k.m., and in 1772, they were sold by the Rosenadler heirs for 400,000 d.k.m.11 Swedenborg was greatly pleased with the success of his negotiations with Rosenadler, and early in August he wrote to his father giving him "good hope that those concerned will soon come to an agreement about the division of the inheritance" (I Doc. 184).

10 Lt. Col. Peter Schönström (1682-1746) had been a prisoner of war in Russia since 1709. He returned to Sweden early in 1722 (Lewenhaupt, Karl XII's Officerare).

11 Lindh, Swedenborgs Ekonomi in Nya Kyrkans Tidning, Sept.-Okt. 1927, pp. 99, 100. 400,000 d.k.m. is equal to about $60,000, but by modern values it would be several times more than that sum.

While Swedenborg was abroad, there had appeared in the January-March issue of the Acta Literaria Sueciae, a short review of the work on the Longitude which Swedenborg had published in Amsterdam in 1721. It was entitled "A Friendly Judgment concerning Herr Swedenborg's Method of Finding the Longitude of places by means of the Moon; by Conrad Quensel, Professor of Mathematics in Lund."12 The review is somewhat critical, dwelling on the inadequacy of the data given by Swedenborg and of his plates and their explanation. Swedenborg appears to have read this review only after his return to Sweden. At any rate, now that he was again in Stockholm, he wrote a short answer to Prof. Quensel, entitling it "A Friendly Answer," etc.

12 See NEW PHILOSOPHY, 1929, P. 86.

Meanwhile, at the beginning of August, he received from Eric Benzelius, by the hand of Eric's younger brother Gustaf, a letter inviting him to come to Upsala, an invitation which Swedenborg would gladly have accepted had it not been for the necessity of his visiting his mining properties. Benzelius also adverts to Swedenborg's recent petition to the King, for a test of his new method of smelting copper. Benzelius, who had doubtless discussed the matter with his brother-in-law at Medevi, sounds a note of warning against over-optimism, and refers to a similar undertaking made by Johan Kunckel von Lwenstein, a famous German metallurgist who, in 1688, had been invited to Sweden by Charles XI. In laboratory tests on copper ore, Kunckel had been successful in increasing the yield of copper, and in 1695, on the basis of this, he received permission from the King to test his method on a large scale at the Great Copper Mine of Fahlun, with a promise of 50,000 imperial thalers in case of success. As in Swedenborg's proposal, the ore was divided into two parts, one to be treated by Kunckel and the other by the ordinary methods then in use. Kunckel did indeed succeed in getting a finer copper, but the expense of his process more than offset its advantages.13

13 Swedenborg, De Cupro, p. 45 seq.

Swedenborg answered Benzelius in a letter dated STOCKHOLM, AUGUST 9, 1722, in which he enclosed, for insertion in the Acta Literaria Sueciae, his "Friendly Answer" to Professor Quensel's criticism:

Highly honored d: Brother:

I am very thankful for d. Brother's pleasing letter from Upsala which brother Gustav Benzelstierna handed me.

It pleases me to perceive from it that my brother is in good condition. I wished I could have time to make a tour to Upsala first; but it is now very urgent that, while the iron shipments are being made from Kping1 and hither, I be early in Starbo from which place I have not yet received the least news. I therefore beg for the honor on my return, when I will gain some profit thereby from one book or another which may be found in the library.

1 Kping was an important centre where the iron from the mining district, including Swedenborg's properties in Starbo, Prsthyttan and Skinnskatteberg, was shipped to Stockholm by water.

As to what my Brother is pleased to mention about my project, I take it with thankfulness, and also my Brother's intention to wish me well; but I am sure that in this matter I do not go on such loose principles as Kunckel, but have on my side two new tests on a large scale, and have many on a small scale; have the calculations and the theory, as well as their own ignorance in the work of smelting, so that I am more embarasserad at the thought that my project will not be counterbalanced either in the beginning or at the setting up, or afterwards. For this also I shall take my right measurer. When I call have the honor of talking with Herr Brother, I will relate one circumstance or other which may give my Brother better assurance concerning my design.

As to what I have written in haste, namely, my Friendly Answer, if it is found worthy, it can be left to my Brother to insert it in the Acta at his pleasure.

The Axmar matter will probably soon be finished. It awaits only Brother Schönström's ratification, to sign under the protocol, so that all pretensions may be entirely killed, and no one have occasion to tear them up and disturb any one who wishes to remain in possession. My most obedient greeting is sent to Sister Anna and brother Eric. Remaining with all respect,

Highly honored d: Brother's

obedient servant

Eman : Swedenborg
Stockholm, Aug. 9,
1722

With regard to the Friendly Answer which Swedenborg enclosed, and which was printed in the Acta Literaria Sueciae for July-Sept. 1722, some surprise must be felt at the title, given by Swedenborg himself, namely, "A Friendly Answer ... given by a friend in the absence of the author"--as though Swedenborg wished to conceal the fact that he had returned from abroad.

This implication is emphasized in the beginning of the letter: "If it may be allowed, in the author's absence, to give, in a friendly way, an answer to this objection," etc. This Answer, it may be added, constitutes the first of the three controversies into which Swedenborg entered. Swedenborg was not a disputatious man, being content to express his views, without any thought of attacking the views of others, or even of defending his own.

The present seems a suitable place to insert a letter addressed to Swedenborg by his cousin, Col. Peter Schönström. The letter is undated, and gives no indication as to when or where it was written. But it is not improbable that Swedenborg, knowing his cousin's keen interest in historical research--to which he had devoted himself even in Russia--lost little time in approaching him on the subject of the Swedenborg genealogy.

Captain Peter Schönström had returned from his thirteen years' captivity in Russia in the late spring or early summer of 1722, and in June of the same year was given the rank of lieutenant colonel.2 Where he lived at this time is not known. Perhaps he went to Axmar or Lngvind, to look after the extensive inheritance left by his father, Peter Swedberg, ennobled 1685 Schönström, the brother of Jesper Swedberg. He was certainly staying at Axmar from the autumn of 1724 to the spring of 1725. In any case, Swedenborg wrote him, enclosing a copy of the genealogical table of the Swedberg and Behm family which had probably been prepared for his introduction into the House of Nobles during the Diet of 1720; perhaps also he congratulated his cousin on his promotion.

2 He resigned from the army in 1726 and devoted himself to the study of history. His Introduction to Swedish History (published in 1816) gives evidence of much research.

The genealogical table which he enclosed seems to have included the following:

Otto of Sundborn

/

Nils Ottosson of Helsingborn

/

Isaac Nilsson of Frmbacka

/
Daniel Isaacsson of Sweden, Assessor.

/ /
Jesper Peter
/ / / / /
Anna Emanuel, etc. Peter An. Catharine3 Albrecht, etc.

3 Anna Catharine married Swedenborg's old professor, Olaf Rudbeck Jr.

Swedenborg's letter is lost, but his cousin's answer is preserved in the collection of letters copied by Bengt Bergius. It is undated, but, from what has been said above, it was most probably written in the AUTUMN OF 1722:

Very highly honored Herr Brother:

I thank Herr Brother for the kind letter, and also the family register of our forefather-s which Herr Brother can obtain in more complete form if he were pleased to go to the Cammar Archives,l and look up the farm on which our forefathers lived; for the old land books always contained the names of the occupants. It is an advantage to our family if d. Brother draws from old land books that their land was bergsfrelse;2 for at that time a bergsfralse man was counted as a nobleman; and then it was not any one who could become an occupant thereof, but only certain families. Therefore, in all the histories, Engelbrecht Engelbrechtsson3 is called a nobleman, since he was a bergsfrlse man; and in Messenio,4 Mns Nilsson of Asboda, and Anders Persson of Rankhyttan, whom King Gustaf ordered beheaded, are called nobiles montani [mountain noblemen].5

The Silferstrms, on the father's side, had the same origin as we. Secretary Norn's father-in-law had a genealogical table of his family wherein stands our name also. It would be well if d. Brother could get a copy of this. When I was a little boy, I heard that the Svinhufvuds, with a white swine head on their coat of arms, have one origin with us. Of that family, I know of none other that is left save Col. Svinhufvud of the Jemtlanders.6 His father was colonel of the regiment. The Svinhufvud with a black swine head is an entirely different family, and comes from Bohemia. Bishop Otto of Westers, who died in the year 1520,* had some brothers, and from one of these I think our family stems. From one of his brothers stems the Svinhufvuds with the white head. I would think that if we took pains, we could enter into relationship with Englebrecht, since he also was from Sundborn7

1 The Cammar Collegium had charge of all cultivated land, crown possessions, taxation, etc.

2 Bergsfrlse land dated from the early part of the fourteenth century when the king, considering the great copper mine district in Fahlun as crown property, gave to the miners land free from estate and land taxes, on condition that they kept up the copper mining and smelting, one-tenth of the copper produced going to the Crown. Hence the land owned by those miners was called bergsfrlse. This bergsfrlse land of the miners corresponded to the frlse (tax free) land of the nobles, save that the nobles, in return for the privilege, were required to furnish the king with horses and soldiers. See Rinman, Bergwerck Lexicon, s.v., Bergsfrelse.

3 Engelbrecht Engelbrechtsson, the great Swedish hero everywhere celebrated in verse and prose, lived near the great Kopparberg on land where now in the city of Fahlun. In the middle of the fifteenth century, with a band of Dalecarlians as the nucleus of an ever growing army, he delivered Sweden, for a time, from the tyrannical rule of the Danes. He was murdered in 1436.

4 Johannes Messenius (1579-1636) was one of the earlier writers on Swedish history. The work here referred to is doubtless his Theatrum Nobilitatis Suecanae (Theatre of the Swedish Nobility), published in 1616.

5 Gustaf Ericsson (1496-1560) was the son of a privy councillor. As a youth he had been imprisoned by the Danish rulers of Sweden. After escaping, he fled finally (Nov. 1520) to the neighborhood of Fahlun, and took refuge with a rich miner named Arendt Persson. Persson, who sympathized with the Danes, the Danish bailiff being his brother-in-law, took counsel of his neighbor, Mns Nilsson, another wealthy miner, and following his counsel, decided to betray the fugitive. Meanwhile, Persson's wife had heard of the plot, and enabled Gustaf to scape. Three years later, Gustaf overthrew the Danes, thus completing the work commenced by Engelbrechtsson, and ascended the throne of an independent Sweden, as Gustavus Vasa. In 1533, Persson and Nilsson, who still kept their Danish sympathies, led an insurrection of the Dalecarlians against Gustaf. The rebels were subdued and Gustaf had their leaders beheaded and their goods confiscated; but later he restored Persson's goods to the wife who had befriended him. From Persson stems the noble family Svinhufvud (swine head), and from Nilsson, rnflycht (Sv. Convers. Lex., s.v., Nilsson; Freyxell, 3:12 and 123). Schönström mistakes Anders Persson of Rankhyttan for Arendt Persson of Orns. Gustaf I went to the house of the former, but, being advised to leave, he then went to the house of the latter.

6 i.e., the regiment from Jemtland, a parish in Bleking province.

* The copy has 1720, but the context clearly indicates that either Schönström or the copyiest inadvertently made a slip.

7 Sundborn is about two miles northeast of Fahlun.

As regards our mother's family, I know of no other ancestor save Isac Behm, who was used by King Carl IX as admiral and also in other offices. Therefore he is mentioned in King Carl's Slaktare Bnck.7a

Messenius, in his Scandia Illustrata,8 mentions him, but describes him as being very cruel--that at one time, after Stngebro,9 he commanded at sea and ill-treated some Jesuits whom he took as prisoners;10 then, that he was in command against the fleet which Flemming sent from Finland, on which was young de Wijk, whom Isak Behm also had massacred in a cruel way, though he was the most beautiful young man in Sweden.11

7a Hartig Carls Slaktare Bnck is the title of a pamphlet published in 1617 in which Carl IX, seven years after his death, is attacked for his wholesale execution, in 1600, of the Swedish lords who had supported his nephew, King Sigismund, whom he defeated at the battle of Stngebro; see below, note 9.

8 Scandinavia Illustrated, a work of twenty volumes, which is the first history of Sweden ever to be written. It commenced with the flood and continued up to and including the author's own days. Although written in the beginning of the seventeenth century and used by the author as a textbook in Upsala University, it was not published till 1700-1705, and then in abbreviated form. The author was Johannes Messenius (1579-1636).

9 During Gustavus Vasa's reign, Sweden had turned from Catholicism to Protestantism. But the King's second son, John III, became an ardent Catholic, and married a Polish princess, of whom was born his son Sigismund. While John III ruled in Sweden, he observed religious tolerance; but his successor Sigismund, who meanwhile had been elected king of Poland, observed no such tolerance, and this led to an open break between him and the Swedish Protestants. In September 1598, this culminated in the bloody battle of Stangebro (the Stng bridge) at Linköping. In this battle, the victorious Swedes were led by Gustavus Vasa's third son Carl, Duke of Sdermanland, who inherited in full his father's determination to rid Sweden of popery. A year after the battle, Sigismund was deposed (Dec. 1599) and Carl ascended the Swedish throne as Carl IX. It may be added that when Swedenborg visited his brother-in-law, Bishop Eric Benzelius, at Linköping in 1733, he noted in his journal: "We examined the field where the pugna or Stngebro battle was fought in the year 1598, between Sigismund, King of Poland, and Carl IX, the Duke, but afterwards chosen King of Sweden, when the victory over the King went to Duke Carl. This battle, in which, as it seems, the fight concerned also the fate of religion--as to what religion was to flourish in Sweden--should be celebrated by posterity. Had it gone to Sigismund's side, the inhabitants of this northern land today would most likely have been living bound to the papal religion; but God saw it otherwise."

10 This was on an occasion when a Polish ship sent by Sigismund was sailing to Kalmar. It was met by ships sent by the adherents of John. The Poles were all slaughtered by an enemy cruelly inspired by hatred of popery. Living and dead, they were thrown into the sea, and if perchance, to save themselves from drowning, they caught hold of any part of the ship, their hands were chopped off (Fryxell 4: 253). Isaac was one of the captains of the Swedish ships.

11 "Young de Wijk," renowned for his great beauty, was the son of the master of the mint in Stockholm. Countess Flemming, the wife of Admiral Claes Flemming, who was an ardent supporter of Sigismund, promised him the hand of one of her daughters with whom he was in love, if he would undertake a commission to Admiral Flemming who was sailing from Finland. De Wijk met Flemming's fleet at Aland, where also was Duke John's fleet commanded by de Behm. The two fleets were ostensibly friendly, but by a subterfuge, de Wijk was enticed to one of the Swedish ships, and there papers were found on him which led to his being executed (Fryxell 4:2067).

This Isak Behm had as wife a Wernsted. Her father was a colonel, and had to wife Duke Magnus'12 natural daughter Lucretia. From her, stems the von Vernsteds, and from one of their daughters, the Ribbings of Walstad. She and her husband, and also a number of Ribbings, have their tomb in Upsala, even earlier than the tomb of the Counts Dona [Dohna]. Blixencrona married a Ribbing and lies buried in the same tomb. His daughter, who is still living, had Secretary Palmskild.13 This Palmskild was also related to us on our mother's side, not, however, by the Behms but by Mrten Hansson, whom, in his time, the people in Helsingland called the father of the land. This Mrten Hansson's wife or his mother-in-law, was a Rålamb, and our blessed maternal grandfather was a stepbrother of old Privy Counsellor Claas Rålamb. John Echilson, the father [in-law] of our maternal grandfather, who, in the Russian War, in Count Jacob de la Garde s time, was a cavalry lieutenant in Evert Horn's14 regiment--he [Horn] was field marshal and was killed at the siege of Pleschow [Pskov] in 1617 He married Mrten Hanssen's daughter. Jan Eschilsson lies buried in Srela churchyard, and carries his coat of arms on his tomb. He was later burgomaster and factor in Soderhamn. For his second wife he had an admiral's widow whose name I have forgotten. Mrten Hanssen's family register, which Secretary Palmskild made up from Fale Pure who avenged St. Eric s death,15 d. Brother can probably obtain at Chamberlain von Walker, for he and also the Cronsteds stem from Mrten Hanssen.

12 Magnus (1542-95) was the fourth son of Gustavus Vasa. somewhat weak-minded.

13 Elias Palmskild (1667-1719) was Secretary in the Royal Archives.

14 Evert Horn (1581-1615) served under field marshal Jacob de la Gardie in the latter's Russian campaign (1611-I1), by which Gustavus Adolphus supported the Russian Czar against attacks by Sigismund, King of Poland. In 1614, when de la Gardie returned to Sweden, Horn took his place and was made field marshal and governor of Narva. He was killed at the battle of Pleskow (Pskov) in 1615, not 1617 as stated by Schönström.

15 Eric IX. He became King in 1152, and was killed at Upsala by the Danish prince Magnus Hendricksson in May 1160. He was subsequently canonized. His death was quickly avenged by Fale Bure, who, at the head of the Hlsinglanders, defeated Hendriksson and killed him in a battle fought near Upsala. The same year a church was built on the battle ground, which was given the name Danmark in memory of the bloody battle in which so many Danes were killed.

I will again go to the Behms. Isac Behm lies buried in Brstil church in Roslagen, where also he had been granted an estate, and he carries almost the same coat of arms on his tomb as our maternal grandfather carries on his tomb in Salberg. He had two sons, the name of the oldest I have forgotten; from him there lived in that war a son who was Cavalry Captain of the East Gtland Regiment. It was this same son who, in King Carl XI's time, found so many hidden landmarks. The other son was called Michael Behm; he was a chamberlain in the court of Queen Christina, King Gustav Adolf's Fru Mother, who had Gfle as a queen dowager's dowry. His son was called Jonas Behm. He was burgomaster in Gfle, and had for wife a Schroder, of whom come the Schrders--Schrder the superintendent, and the wife of Pastor Gdde. This Jonas Behm had twelve Sons and one daughter. From the daughter stemmed the wives of Tehls, Palmrot, Duirherg and Wallin. Of the twelve sons, one was our maternal grandfather, Daniel Behm, who was a Councillor in one of the colleges and left two sons, David Behm, Lt. Col. of the Sdermanlanders for war, and Axel Behm, Assessor in the Jnkping Court of Appeals. Of the descendants of this Daniel was also the wife of Lt. Col. Falkenhjelm of the artillery. One of the above twelve Behms was an admiral or Schoutlynacht; one was the Commissioner in Sderhamn, and was the father of the Fru Brita Behm who married Councillor of Commerce Adlerstedt, and maternal grandfather of Capt. Ridderhaf, and also the father of a Capt. Behm who is still living. These Behms who stem from Superintendent Behm are, on the mother's side, cousins to Count Piper. One of the Behms was Lars Behm of Grundris, of whom d. Crother wrote me.

The paper does not permit me more, nor do I know any more; but d. Brother can, on my suggestion, get to know much, and will kindly send it on to me.

I remain, [etc.]

P. Schönström

As already noted, Swedenborg's Proposal as to the improvement in copper smelting was referred to the Bergscollegium. It was not taken up by that body until after the summer holidays, by which time, Swedenborg had returned from his visit to Starbo.

Early in October, the Bergscollegium decided to instruct the authorities in Fahlun to give Swedenborg every assistance in setting up his test; but before sending this instruction, they called Swedenborg in--for naturally he did not attend the session when this matter was under discussion--and asked him fur suggestions to he incorporated in their letter to Fahlun. Swedenborg then wrote his suggestions as a memorial dated STOCKHOLM, OCTOBER 11, 1722:

Memorial concerning my humble Remonstrance and Request addressed to his Royal Majesty.

1. That his Countship's Excellency, and the right worshipful Royal Collegium be pleased to give orders to those concerned that I enjoy without hindrance, every assistance that may be required for the setting up of the test, as concerns the ore, charcoal, material for the building of the furnaces, etc.

2. That I be granted permission to choose the place which I find most serviceable for this test; also to get for my service the most skillful smelters and roasters, and to select them myself; and, moreover, to join to myself one or two others who, with me, could have oversight of the tests when instituted on both sides.

3. Although one has no reason to fear, that at the test any one will venture to show fraud, inasmuch as his Countship's Excellency and the Right Worshipful Royal Collegium are pleased to let this be their care, yet, since in the work the workmen will generally abide by their old custom, and will not willingly see themselves taken away therefrom, whatever reason and advantage one may bring forward and demonstrate; therefore, for this reason, it should be necessary that those who are appointed for the testing, pledge themselves by an oath to honorable observance, and also that, while the most important operations are going on, no one should approach the work without permission; together with aught else that may prove necessary to assure both those concerned, and the public, that not the least fraud has been used during the test.

4. It is requested, and this most humbly, that the mining authorities make their trials first, and that I then make mine, it being possible otherwise that one thing or another of what I have in mind to show in the process may be found which can be improved by them, or be advantageously changed, in the test that follows.

5. That the test by the mining authorities be made in the way most customary and without any change.

6. That, in order the quicker to attain the object, the mining authorities ought to make a beginning in the institution of their test, now in the winter, or as soon as it can be done conveniently.

7. It seems likewise necessary that at least three tests be made, so that one may be able to conclude with the greater sure ness concerning the differences or advantages, and assure himself concerning the correctness of the process.

8. After three or more tests have been made, as the mining authorities may see fit, and these tests have been approved by them, then, for the better using of diligence and prudence, it may be found necessary that no excuse shall afterwards be admitted.

9. That each test may be made with about ten or more skeppunds of copper, so that one may be able to see, with the greater certainty, the differences or advantages in the processes; and that no objection, such as tests on a smaller scale might give rise to, may afterwards be possible.

10. That the ores and the charcoal shall be divided as exactly as possible into two equal parts, and lots be cast for them in the presence of witnesses.

11. As regards the first test, his Countship's Excellency and the Most Worshipful Royal Collegium will be pleased, in accordance with my humble request to his Royal Majesty, to let it be made without any accounting being made thereof, because the furnaces are still cold and damp and the smelters somewhat unversed.

12. That, at the refining of this same copper, I, together with several other persons, be allowed to be present, and, when it is found necessary, to use in the work those local men who are found to be most serviceable.

13. That there be given me a gracious assurance that I enjoy the first year's increase, being that which, in humble request, I asked of his Royal Majesty; which increase I ventured to request, on the ground that at the institution thereof, there is demanded much trouble, expense and time; and with it, in case it should miscarry from one cause or another, due to the imprudence of the workmen, I risk my name-which, however, I will not anticipate. And since such a process should not reasonably be generally left by me for the use of the public, without compensation, so I plead with the deepest reverence for the great favor of enjoying a small part of that which in the long run will thereby be gained. Stockholm, Oct. 11, 1722.

Eman. Swedenborg

On October 11, this letter was sent by the Bergscollegium to the mining authorities at Fahlun, together with a covering letter recommending favorable consideration of Swedenborg's proposals. Meanwhile, Swedenborg was engaged in writing a small work on the Swedish Coinage. There were powerful influences at work for the debasement of the value of Swedish money, and this matter was to be taken up at the next Diet in the following January. It was with a view to guiding public opinion in this matter, that Swedenborg wrote his little work of eighteen pages entitled "In offensive Thoughts on the Fall and Rise of the Swedish Coinage." The work was published early in November, and anonymously, though the authorship was well known in official circles. It caused a great stir, as it took a firm stand against the debasement of the coinage, and thereby encountered bitter opposition from a number of influential members of the House of Nobles.1

1 The reasoning in this little work was so concise and powerful that as late as 1766, it was characterized by the Finnish economist, Chydenius, as a work that "can hardly be improved on, and needs no more than to be adapted to the crisis in which we now are." It was republished in 1771 as an anonymous work of 1722, "but now, at the request of many persons, printed anew." It has never been translated. See NEW PHILOSOPHY, 1929, p. 121 seq.

Soon after publishing this work, namely, on November 6th, Swedenborg received a letter from Zacharias Strmberg, a Swedish merchant in Amsterdam, who acted as Swedenborg's banker.

Strmberg asks for instructions concerning Swedenborg's trunk,2 which has been in his care; he also encloses, probably at Swedenborg's request, a draft for 300 Dutch Guilders. Swedenborg appears to have had a good deal of money banked in Amsterdam, perhaps on account of the uncertain fluctuation in Swedish money. Moreover, his principal income came from the sale of iron, and much of this was probably credited to him in Dutch money. And now that he had undertaken to pay out considerable sums to his family for their shares in the de Behm inheritance, he had need to draw on his Dutch banker.3

2 This had perhaps been left in Amsterdam when Swedenborg departed from that city for Aix-la-Chapelle and Liege.

3 His total payments for his family's share in Axmar amounted to nearly 30,000 d.k.m. (Lindh, Swedenborgs Ekonomi, in Nya Kyr. Tid., Sept.-Oct., 1927, p. 101).

He answered Strmberg in a letter dated STOCKHOLM, NOV. 7, 1722:

Highly honored Sir:

Yesterday I had the honor of Monsieur's last letter, and I am grateful for his care in regard to the trunk. If it would not be too late, I desire that Mons. be so kind as to forward it on by some ship that comes here. The enclosed bill of exchange for 300 H. courant,1 which Mons. sent I have agreed to accept, and I take it in the account thus far; suppose it will be duly paid, of which I shall make acknowledgment. If Mons. will be so kind as to let me have a short account of what I have received from Mons. in all, and also what Mons. has received in payment, it would be well. I would thereby see in some way my debit and credit, which I know approximately. I hope that as regards the rest of the securities, they will become settled, in which Mons. has always endlessly obliged me. At New Year's I will need somewhat more, for the reason that I am negotiating concerning an ironwork;2 will readily pay six per cent for what is over, if it should still come in time and I would rather rely on Mons., to procure it for me than on any one else, such as Agent Balgiere,3 or von Titzen.

1 i.e., Holland currency.

2 Referring, doubtless, to Axmar.

3 M. Pierre Balguerie (1679-1759), a wine merchant of Amsterdam, was the Swedish Consul in Holland, a post of great importance. He was so highly regarded by the Swedish government that, although not a Swedish citizen, he yet was given special permission to he part owner of several Swedish ships, without the loss of Swedish nationality by those ships, thus being granted exemption from the law recently passed disqualifying foreign ships from importing any but their native products (R. o. Ad. Prot. 1723, p. 442).

Just think, Hoffman's little bill of exchange for 30 H. Courant is still not wholly paid. There remains 84 dal. k.m., which makes about 25 guilders. Cameen's4 servant has been there some one hundred times, and little by little has received one ducat and a few pltar,5 but the rest will likely be unobtainable, because he has since twice played bankrupt, so that twenty-five per cent will have to be deducted from the former bill of exchange. Vice-President Lilliencreutz6 has rightly received 25 ducats, and I have his letter of quittance therefor.

4 E. V. Cameen (1670-1729) a councillor in the Commerce Collegium.

5 Copper coins in the shape of square plates, with their value stamped on them. See p. 101, note 5.

6 Nils Lilliencreutz, vice-president in the Royal Court of Appeal.

Be so kind as to have someone go to the bookseller Ostervik on the Dam,7 and ask him what he has sold of my printed matters; and if I can know the amount. I will make an assignation thereon, so that Mons. can take it.

7 A square in the center of the city. The Bourse or Exchange is at one side of this square. Johan Oosterwyk was the publisher of Chemistry and other small works published by Swedenborg in 1721.

Here in Stockholm I have given something out in [print which concerns the Swedish coinage and shows raisoner [reasons] why it ought not to be depreciated. It has made quite a stir here.

My most obedient greetings are given to Mrs. Kamista8 and family.

I remain,

with all consideration,

Eman : Swedenborg

Stockholm
7 Nov., 1722

To Monsieur

Mons. Zacharias Strmberg

Swedish merchant in Amsterdam

8 Perhaps the landlady with whom Swedenborg and Hesselius stayed.

It is probable that about this time Swedenborg paid his deferred visit to his sister and brother-in-law in Upsala. At any rate, he had access to a copy of the Neue Zeitungen von Gelehrten Sachen for August 3, 1722, containing some account of a review in a Leipzig journal Historie der Gelehramkeit of parts 1-3 of Swedenborg's Miscellaneae Observationes, which Swedenborg had published in that city in the preceding April.

The reviewer, says the Neuer Zeitungen, used a copy corrected by the author himself, but complains both of the literary style of the work and of its coherence. He particularly objects to his theory of the first mathematical point, and asserts that "his hydrostatic proofs, showing how a flood could carry off the heaviest rocks, are entirely opposed to the fundamental principles of hydrostatics."9

9 See NEW PHILOSOPHY, 1929, pp. 107-8.

Swedenborg's attention was fixed on the last objection, and he resolved to answer it through the pages of the Acta Literaria Sueciae. Accordingly, he wrote a short paper entitled An Exposition of a Hydrostatic Law.10 It was written in a calm spirit, and contains not a hint of the fact that any objection had been made to the author's previous statement with regard to this law. He refers to his own assertion concerning the law, made in a former work, and states that his present object is merely to put the truth of that assertion in a clearer light.

10 Translated in Scientific and Philosophical Treatises (S. S. A., 1905), I, 91.

Nevertheless, it was written in answer to his Leipzig critic, as reported in the Neuer Zeitungen, and constitutes the second of Swedenborg's controversies, p. 270. He sent it to the Literary Guild in Upsala, to be published in the Acta, and the Guild accepted it for publication in the fourth quarterly number of that journal, noting in their minutes that "it gives an answer to the authors of the Historie der Gelehrsamkeit."

Meanwhile, on November 19, the Fahlun Bergsrtt11 sent to the Bergscollegium, their answer with respect to Swedenborg's project for the testing of his method of smelting copper:

11 The name given to a meeting of men chosen from among the miners, under the chairmanship of the Bergmstare (Mining Master), who, in turn, was appointed by the Bergscollegium. It dealt with all matters that concerned the management of the mines, or the services of the miners. The present Bergmstare was Anders Swab, Swedenborg's cousin, stepbrother and brother-in-law.

1. They commence by pointing out that the method of smelting now in use there, is the result of centuries of experience, and the miners are unwilling "to follow speculations and intellectual rules" in preference to the teaching of experience.

In this connection, they do not fail to note the new projects made in the past by Kunckel and others, all of which failed, see p. 268. They, therefore, very naturally acquired "distaste and weariness for the New workers, as they are called in the mine here." Yet they would not hinder the Assessor from trying his experiment; "for what lies concealed in nature and science never comes to be brought out to the full." They wish him good luck and progress, and willingly consent to the first point in his Memorial.

2. They are willing that he should himself select the most serviceable place, and the most skillful smelters; but now, when charcoal is beginning to come in, they cannot compel any worker to leave his smelting before he has finished the work he has in hand. They note also that before the reward spoken of in the thirteenth point can be considered, it devolves upon the Assessor to procure for all the members who shall be debited with the gain, the like good smelters and the like serviceable places, as those which he chooses for himself. Moreover, the Assessor's request involves that most of the places now used are unserviceable for the institution of the new process, even as the workmen are unused to it and do not all have the same gift of quickly learning it. No one, therefore, can give every eleventh skeppund as a reward, who has not all the advantages enjoyed by the Assessor in his test.

3. They not only hold it to be absolutely necessary that the workmen be sworn, but they desire that two good men, who shall relieve each other, shall be present at the Assessor's test, the Assessor to have the same right at their test.

4. While it is immaterial who makes the first test, it seems best that the tests should be made at the same time.

5. They give assurance that their test will be made in the usual way, which they hold to be the best, until a better can be shown.

6. The tests shall commence as soon as the mining authorities come into agreement with Herr Assessor Swedenborg, as to the basis for the computation of the increase.

7, 8. These are discussed at point 13.

9. It is somewhat thought-provoking that the Assessor insists on the test being made with ten skeppunds, or more, in order to avoid any objection in the reckoning of the gain, which a smaller test may occasion; for most of the miners in the district are able to work only 4 or 5 skeppunds at a time and many work even less. If the gain is a genuine gain, it should appear equally in the small operation as in the large. Otherwise, the basis of the reckoning is false, and to ascertain it, will cause the utmost inconvenience.

10. To avoid possible objections, both parties must take their ore, good and bad, from the same heap; and the Assessor should procure his own charcoal.

11. The Assessor is free to make one or two tests without counting them, provided they are done without any expense to the Bergsrtt. But the tests that are to serve as the base for the presumed increase must be made with the utmost accuracy and with the same ore.

12. The refining of the copper produced by both parties should be done by the same competent refiner.

13. They would willingly allow the Assessor the ten per cent which he asks, provided this is refunded by those who actually enjoy the increased yield, and that it can be done without bitter disputes. All who have a fundamental knowledge of smelting, know of the many circumstances that contribute thereto; so that it depends on the right blending of the ores, the location of the smeltery, the workmen, the time, the charcoal, etc., etc. Thus it is actually good luck when all these circumstances combine together, and bad luck when one of them is lacking. A miner may be ever so prudent, but with the variation in his mine and his workmen, it must needs be that sometimes he has good luck and sometimes bad. It is vain, therefore, to regulate all works in accordance with a few tests. If the position of the smelteries, the ore, the charcoal, were all alike, it could be done, but not so in a work like the present. "If a medicus cures a burning fever or some other sickness in three patients, all those who have the same sickness could not. therefore, become his followers, or he insist that he use the same lucky cure with them all." But if Assessor Swedenborg thinks he can perform what he has promised, the milling authorities will readily see that the desired tests are instituted; and if it were plainly evident that his method was better than the usual one, and would be practical in the whole mining district without great inconvenience and expense, they would willingly honor him and recompense him for his invention, to the extent that the use thereof can be discerned. But that the mining district, after a few tests, and in the midst of so many contingencies, shall obligate itself to give up every eleventh skeppund, this the Royal College and Assessor Swedenborg himself will doubtless find to be a request to which the mining authorities cannot consent.

The above letter from the Fahlun Bergstrtt was read in the Bergscollegium on November 20, and was then referred to Swedenborg.

The latter gave some time to the consideration of the letter, and did not answer it for more than two weeks after its receipt. His answer, contained in a letter to Count Gustaf Bonde, the President of the Bergscollegium, is dated STOCKHOLM, DECEMBER 7, 1722:

High-born Herr Count

and President:

In obedient consequence of the command by your Countship's Excellency and the highly worshipful Bergscollegium, the worshipful Bergsrtt of the Great Copper Mountain has come in with its humble opinion respecting the test which I am thinking of instituting, to show that the copper mining districts in Sweden can increase their usual production by ten per cent if they give due attention to the condition of the fire, the blast, the furnace, and the ore; and since the worthy Bergsrtt is pleased in part to set in doubt, and in part to disapprove my postulata [conditions] which I thought to be necessary for a proper instituting of the test, and for arriving at complete certainty, I humbly present to your Couutship's Excellency, the following points, by way of elucidation:

1. Under their first point, the Bergsrtt brings forward its inoffensive thoughts in general as to changes in their customary method of smelting which has been elaborated for so many saecula [centuries], and has thereby acquired authority, bringing in, in this connection, the names of all those who unfortunately have dared to make any change therein, and setting forth the distaste and weariness the Fahlun milling authorities have acquired for the so-called New workers. As against this, I submit in defense that I have by no means thought to change that process which has so long been built up on experience and finally established, as some foreigners have offered to do, for this would undoubtedly miscarry; but have myself laid down as a foundation the fundamental laws and customs of the process as being the most serviceable for the kind of ore and its nature, my only design being, by giving greater attention to the condition of the fire, the blast, the furnaces and the ore, to save that part of the copper which otherwise would go off in the smoke and with the slag; and thereby also to supply surer rules than those now known.

And, still more to remove every reasonable cause for asserting weariness and distaste, I have no desire to refuse to make myself responsible in case there should be any miscarriage or loss, and also have asked to have the enjoyment of the first year's increase from the public so that it would in no way be an incumbrance on the Fahlun mining district.

2. Under the second point, the Bergsrtt brings forward as proof, the reason that if, for the institution of the test, the most suitable place and the smelters should be left to my choosing, then, if the test were successful, the increase should not be computed proportionately for the whole mining district inasmuch as one part would lack the advantage of a suitable place and of equally serviceable smelters. As answer, I submit that I reserve the choice to myself in order that no unskillful smelter and no unserviceable place should be offered me or forced upon me; for, as concerns the workmen, it can never with reason be laid upon me--since it is impossible--to adapt myself to every man's capacity and comprehension, or to offer to procure them the same understanding, and, moreover, to let the computation of the increase depend on their mood, will and capacitet. Besides this, I suppose my whole duty to be done, when I have set before their eyes all that is demanded therefor and have instructed therein, those who are the most skillful according as this is possible.

As concerns the smelting houses--that they vary is well known both to me and still more to your Countship's Excellency; but since the mining authorities have a like choice in this matter, like is set up for like. If they are pleased to give me an unserviceable place, and themselves to take a similar place, the matter comes to the same thing, for the promised increase looks not to the advantage of the place but to the advantage of the process. That those lose, who use unserviceable smelting houses for the customary process--this I cannot make better; I can only procure them ten per cent increase over and above what can come to the owner in the same place, using the customary process.

Besides this, the worthy Bergsrtt would seem to have been right in so nicely computing the enjoyment of the increase, provided I had asked payment thereof from the mining authorities, or the enjoyment of it for many years, or for my lifetime.

3. That two good men should be constantly present at the test which either side carries out, serves for the removal of suspicion, and is something wholly necessary; and, likewise, that these good men, and also all others who wish to be present, first take oath.

The same thing is requested in respect to the fifth point, to the effect that the test shall be conducted after the customary manner.

4. But that the Bergsrtt, in their fourth point, is pleased to insert that the tests on both sides should take place at the same time--this would leave room for suspicion, for one cannot be in two places at the same time and himself have witness that everything is carried on without fraud. In addition to this, it would be a means of setting the carrying out of the work on an insecure footing, and would give occasion for either party, on its side, to change its desseiner [plans], and so would bring one thing or another into confusion and dispute. I, therefore, humbly request that the milling authorities carry out their test first before I proceed to my contra-test.

6.* To come first to agreement as to a definite basis for the computation of the increase before the test is instituted, is what I also in humility requested.

* Swedenborg has "5" but this and the following numbers, namely, 6 to 8, are altered to conform with the Bergsrtt's letter.

9. There is nothing at all suspicious in my insisting that the test shall consist of about 10 skeppunds or more, and this for the reason that no objection may be made in the computation of the increase, such as a smaller test could give occasion for. But for me it would be wholly dangerous to condescendera [comply] with the proposal that the test might be made on a smaller scale, and this for certain reasons which I will not now mention; and also for the reason that, in a furnace which is quite cool where only 3 or 4 skeppunds are treated, one must inescapably suffer loss, both in the time and in the charcoal and copper. I will make this clear by a comparable simile. In blast furnaces, the owner suffers considerable loss in charcoal for the first eight to fourteen days; likewise, in iron and also in time, inasmuch as during this time only one-half or one-third is obtained. But that the mining district, as it is related, consists for the most part of miners who can secure the disposal of only from four to five skeppunds at the highest, and many of them less than this, is a business at which the mining district undeniably suffers a loss in respect both to charcoal and to time, etc., and it ought to be remedied by the owners by means of combined working up to from 10 to 13 skeppunds.

Since, then, in a test on a smaller scale, there is a sure loss, and the lack of that certainty which is finally demanded in a test, the basis of my computation of the increase will not likely be false, as is asserted, save as the mining district itself is responsible therefor, which thereby sets hack its own increase and willingly brings itself a loss.

10-12. As regards the Bergsrtt's conclusion with respect to the institution of the test and the computation of the increase, I leave it to the wise consideration of your Countship's Excellency, and also to the Bergsrtt's own finding, as to how far one can actually set up a test under a mere promise, when so many difficulties are put forward in advance, concerning the computation of the increase and the obtaining of certainty. Even in a matter of the utmost sureness, and in the happiest event, it would be a risking of one's reputation if the examination of the matter were subject to the judgment of those who are averse to the thing.

13. The worthy Bergsrtt deems it to be a vain thing to regulate the work in accordance with some decisive tests, which it likens to a medicus who luckily curerar [cures] some patients one after another, etc. But aside from this, it is well known to the Bergsrtt, that, when an assayer has made his test, one is sure of the nature and contents of an ore, and still more when the test has been made two or three times, and much more when test has been made on a large scale; from which it follows, that this comparison has no further significance than to show that, in the process used in Fahlun, is an uncertainty which exists nowhere else, and that in one or other respect it likely needs improvement and remedy.

Now since the worthy Bergsrtt, both for its own use and for that of the public, would doubtless advance a work of such importance and else, therefore, much less do I doubt of their good favor; for on all former occasions, and even when foreigners have offered themselves, they have shown solicitude, and this, the more, inasmuch as their own interests are so considerably verseras [involved] in the matter.

I convey herewith the most humble gratitude to your Countship's Excellency, who has been pleased hitherto most graciously to forward my project; and since such an important matter ought to depend not on correspondence but solely on the effect, so I in no way doubt but that your Countship's High Excellency will, in this matter, still further continue his favor.

Remaining, with all reverence,

Your Countship's Excellency's

most humble servant

Eman. Swedenborg
Stockholm, Dec. 7
1722

This is the last that is heard of the test of Swedenborg's project for the improvement of copper smelting. Judging from the correspondence, it is doubtful whether Swedenborg himself was really willing to enter upon the test, in view of what he regarded as the wholly negative attitude of the Bergsrtt.

What was the nature of Swedenborg's proposed improvement is not known. One would have expected to have found same reference to it in his work on Copper, published some twelve years later; but though a chapter in that work is devoted to a detailed description of improvements projected by Kunckel and several others, not a word is said as to the proposal which forms the subject of the above letter.

When Swedenborg wrote his Hydrostatic Law, he had merely seen the report in the Neuer Zeitungen of the review in the Historie der Gelehrsamkeit, and there it had merely been noted that Swedenborg's arguments were opposed to the principles of hydrostatic. His Hydrostatic Law, which was to appear in the Acta, was written in answer to this review. But he was eager to see the original review. This had not yet been received in Sweden Therefore, in a letter addressed to Eric Benzelius early in December, he inquires as to whether the Upsala Library has yet received a copy of the journal in question. The letter itself is lost, but there is preserved a fragment1 of Benzelius' reply, dated UPSALA, DECEMBER 11, 1722, wherein he says:

1 This fragment is copied in the sixteenth of the twenty volumes of letters copied by Bengt Bergius (1723-1784) and now preserved in the library of the Swedish Royal Academy of Sciences. These volumes contain copies of letters of all kinds, ancient and contemporary, and, as in the present case, even of fragments of letters, or extracts; but the place where the letter was found, etc., is never given.

"I also wish that the Historie der Gelehrsamkeit might arrive, so that one got to see her in the eyes, since she herself wishes to walk with a mask before her face, and so, suspiciously."2

2 Benzelius is referring to the preface of the first issue of the Historie der Gelehrsamkeit, where the editors make a special point of their anonymity.

It was but a few days later that the Upsala Library received the desired copy, and Swedenborg was at once given the opportunity of reading the review of his Miscellaneae Observationes. The review is bitter and ill-natured, and the reading of it inspired Swedenborg to add a paragraph to his article on the Hydrostatic Law, the caustic tone of which is a decided contrast to the rest of the article.3

3 The review in the Historie der Gelehrsamkeit, is translated in the NEW PHILOSOPHY, 1929, pp. 99-108.

After his return to Sweden, subsequent to the signing of the harsh peace treaty with Russia in 1722, Swedenborg's thought was directed to the means of restoring Sweden's prosperity, now lost; and in the Diet which opened in January 1723, the means to this end became a matter of long continued discussion. Swedenborg, as a patriotic citizen, and also as a holder of extensive interests in the iron industry, took deep interest in the revival of Sweden's trade which had been brought to such ruin by the disastrous wars of Charles XII. He had already manifested this interest, and also his keen insight in matters of political economy, in the Memorial of February 1719 addressed to the Diet, wherein he proposed a plan for the redemption of the well nigh worthless paper currency with which Sweden was flooded. And now, at the commencement of the Diet of 1723, when the question of foreign trade was to the fore, he again addressed the Diet, his theme being, that a country cannot have prosperity without foreign trade and a favorable balance in that trade. His Memorial* is dated FEBRUARY 5, 1723:

* In his Mynt-och Bank politik, p. 2, Sjstrand refers to this Memorial: "On the significance of an orderly balance of trade," and adds that "the same Diet ordered the Kommerce Kollegium to give an annual statement of imported and exported wares."

HUMBLE MEMORIAL

The main cause of a kingdom's advancement in wealth is its balance of trade. If more is brought in from the foreigner than the country is able to pay for with all its domestic products, it follows that the kingdom not only loses considerable sums every year, and places them in the hands of foreign nations, but little by little diminishes the capital which it has laid up in prosperous times and has intended for its posteritaten.

And as soon as a kingdom by such imprudent dealings comes to unexpected poverty, it unfailingly follows that it falls into contempt with richer nations, and they withdraw from any further commerce with it, despite the fact that formerly they had drawn its wealth to themselves and sucked out its juice and marrow. And, what is still more deplorable, if one does not in time have a watchful eye on the balance in the kingdom's trade, a yearly loss may thereby be caused which extends to every individual's private economy. In the kingdom, individual capital and wealth is diminished, and there are no longer funds and resources for the support of the army and navy; its defence becomes weak and powerless; its civil servants must content themselves with small salaries; Swedish manufactures and agriculture, together with the value of their effects fall into little consideration; besides other results which, in such case, both the nobility and in particular the merchant must unfortunately undergo and experience.

Now, since the true spring and source of a kingdom's wealth is its balance of trade, I have composed two lists of accounts, herewith subjoined, with a view to verterande [calling attention] thereunder to its great importance. The first contains a rough calculation of exports and imports in the time of the late King Charles XI's government when Swedish trade was in its greatest flower. Hereitis shown that the balance was 4-1/2 million gulden a year in favor of the kingdom. The second list shows the balance at the present time which, as compared with the former list, has undergone an incredible change so that there is a yearly loss of from 2-1/2 to 3 million Dutch gulden; from which it follows that Sweden's rich products are no longer sufficient to pay for the excess of imported wares and fancy articles, and that for the supplying of this, a portion of the country's domestic cash resources must be sent out every year. For some years past this deficiency has been supplied and offset by the capital which has come to Sweden from foreign Puissancer [Powers] and which should still come;1 but as soon as this comes to an end, the country must necessarily fall little by little into a lamentable poverty, unless the Estates of the Realm now find a way to avoid it.

1 England and France were both giving annual subsidies to Sweden.

Now since every individual is left free to utter his well meant thoughts and to give out what he sees might in one way or another serve the general good, it will not presumably be taken unfavorably that I call attention to the fact that for the present Diet, the most important thing is to look into and assist and advance all projects which are of service for the promoting of the general economy, and for reaching a balance, especially since this is the foundation of the welfare of the individual and of all posterity. It is such deliberations that have become the principal things that are taken up in the English Parliament, and also by the States in Holland, whereby with much counselling and many statutes, their economy has been brought to its highest flower, the balance is preserved, the land and its inhabitants are wealthy, and the means and the profits of other nations flow into her treasuries.

From the following balance lists, one finds:

1. That Sweden has lost her main revenues which she had from the lands now conquered by the enemy, namely, Livland, Ingermanland, Wiborg, Stetin, Bremen, and also Zweibrucken,2 which amounted to some millions of gulden annually. Formerly these revenues had flown into the kingdom's treasury and were gradually spread among her subjects, and so made wealth both for the public and for the private individual. And since these considerable sums are now lacking, there is no other way to restore them save by putting our commerce and economy in such a condition that the like sums are earned by industry as were lost by misfortune.

2 The present Latvia, Esthonia and Lithuania (Ingermanland) and Viborg (on the southeast of Finland) had been conquered by the Russians. Stettin and Bremen had been compulsorily ceded to Prussia and Hannover. Zweibrucken (Deux Fonts) in Bavaria had lost connection with the Swedish crown on the death of Charles XII.

LISTED ACCOUNT OF SWEDEN'S GENERAL REVENUES AND BALANCE SHEET AT THE PRESENT TIME

Holland

Gulden

Exports

Annual manufacture of iron in Sweden, for 250,000 at 6 florins* per 100 in Holland. (Sometimes, however, it is sold for from 6-1/2 to 7 florins per 100 lbs., and regrund iron up to 8 to 9
per 100 lbs.) Deducting 26 per cent for costs, the sum becomes

3,300,000

* "6 f."--this is presumed to mean florin. According to the present calculation, 1 florin would equal 3 gulden. The second number should be, not 1,100,000, but, 1,166,400.
Annual manufacture of copper at Fahlun, Nya Kopparberg, Garpenberg, Schito, etc., for 8,000 at 54 florins per 100 lbs. paid in Holland (though sometimes it is 60-70 florins per 100 lbs.). This copper, after deducting 8-10 per cent for costs, amounts in Holland to the sum of 1,100,000
Brass, brass wire, steel, steel wire 100,000
Heavy manufactures, such as guns, bullets, anchors, etc.

50,000
Silver, at 3,000 per year 60,000
Alum, vitriol, sulphur 200,000
Pitch and tar, 5,000 loads annually at 20 R. F.H per load, though the price is still lower 450,000

* 1 Riksdaler Flemish = 4-1/2 gulden.
Masts, boards, palings, logs, etc., wood 300,000
Raw and refined potash from different Baltic ports

250,000
Freightage of Swedish ships 250,000
Yearly revenues from the Provinces. Advantages of trade with one's own provinces. Foreign ministers at the Swedish Court. Foreign travelers. Couriers 300,000
Balance, namely What the country loses annually 3,260,000

9,650,000

Imports

Salts of all kinds 1,200,000
Tobacco in the leaf and twisted 1,000,000
Grain, more or less according to the annual crop 1,300,000
All kinds of wines and liquors 800,000

Groceries and drugs 400,000
Cloths, silks, half silks, costumes 1,200,000
Clothes 1,200,000
All kinds of articles of fashion, jewelry, pearls, etc.

450,000
Linen 50,000
Tin, quicksilver, calamine, French stoves, marbles, etc.

250,000
Porcelain, stoneware, pipes, glass, mirrors 100,000
Herrings, salt fish, whalebone, flesh, hops, leather, paper, hemp, will amount to well up to 1,200,000 gulden yearly, but because of the variation in consumption, they are set out at 1,000,000
Swedish ministers at foreign courts. Couriers. Swedish travelers. The cost through Denmark * 550,000

9,650,000**

* Probably the cost of Danish tolls on ships passing between Helsingborg and Helsingfr. See pp. 124-5.

** This should be 9,500,000. Some of the items must therefore be increased to amount to 150,000.

LISTED ACCOUNT OF SWEDEN'S GENERAL REVENUES AND BALANCE OF TRADE IN THE TIME OF THE LATE KING CHARLES XI'S* REIGN

* The autograph has Charles XII, but this is clearly an error, for the flourishing time of business in Sweden was in Charles XI's reign.

Exports

Yearly manufacture of iron in Sweden for 300,000 at 6 florins per 100 lbs. in Holland, though sometimes it was sold for from 6-1/2 to 7 florins per 100 lbs., without mentioning the price of regrund iron. Deducting 20* per cent for costs, the total becomes

4,000,000

* This should be 26.

Yearly manufacture of copper at Fahlun, Nya Kopparberg, Garberg, Schilo, etc., about 10 to 11,000. At one time it was reckoned at from 76 to 78,000. The first sum at 54 f. per 700 lbs., in Holland, which, after deducting costs at from 8 to 10 per cent, amounts to the sum of 1,360,000
Brass, brass wire, steel, steel wire, etc. 100,000

Gross manufactures, such as guns, bullets, anchors, together

50,000
Alum, vitriol, sulphur 200,000
Pitch and tar, about 10,000 loads annually, at 20 R Flemish per load (though the price at one time was 36 R. F.) amounts together to an annual sum of 900,000
Masts, hoards, palings, logs, wood, from Westerwik, Calmar, Gefle,
Gothenburg, Uddevalla, etc., yearly 300,000
Raw and refined potash 250,000
Freightage on Swedish ships for imported and exported wares

1,500,000
Yearly revenues of the Provinces which then came from Liffland, Ingermanland, Wiborg, Stetin, Bremen, Zweibrucken, after deducting what was paid civil servants and garrisons, amounts to the sum of

4,000,000
Profits of business with our own Provinces, reckoning also the means brought into the country by the inhabitants of the Provinces who sought employment in Sweden, and of those who became naturalized Swedish merchants, which can be reckoned yearly at over 1,000,000
Foreign ministers at the Swedish Court, foreign travelers, couriers, etc. 500,000

14,220,000*

* This should be 14,160,000. The first figure on this page should be 1,458,000, making a total of 14,258,000.

Imports

Yearly import of salt 1,200,000
Tobacco in the leaf and twisted 1,000,000

Grain, more or less according to the year's crop 1,300,000
All kinds of wine and liquors 800,000
Drugs and groceries of all kinds 400,000
Cloths, silks, half silks, costumes 1,200,000
Clothes 1,200,000
All kinds of fancy articles, laces, galoons, jewelry, pearls

800,000
Linen 150,000
Iron manufactures 50,000
Tin, quicksilver, calamine, French clay, stones, marbles, etc.

250,000
Porcelain, stoneware, pipes, glass, mirrors 100,000
Herring, salt fish, whalebone, flesh, hops, leather, copper, hemp; these amount well up to 1,200,000 gulden yearly, but for the variation in consumption, they are entered at 1,000,000
Swedish ministers at foreign courts, courtiers, Swedish travelers.
Cost through Denmark, etc. 500,000
The Balance which comes yearly into the country through trade and other revenues becomes 4,270,000

14,220,000

II. From these accounts, one sees that all the profit which foreign trade has yielded and which came to domestic merchants through freightage and voyages, must now be left in the hands of foreigners; for during the long period of war, Swedish ships have been wrecked,3 and Swedish capital gradually diminished, so that foreign merchants are advantaged by the whole of that profit which Sweden acquired at such great trouble and expense in the late King Charles XI's time, and thereby the land, all unnoticed, has lost many tons of gold.

3 In July 1723, the Commerce College reported that Sweden possessed only 177 ships. By October 1734, the number was 648, of which 300 were of larger size (Chydenius, p. 173)

III. Here also can be deducted the loss which Sweden must feel later, because of the separation of the lands formerly incorporated with her, whereby an incredible profit and gain might have come to Swedish traders, in that they joined hands in all commerce and in the wares which are fetched from the Baltic ports, such as, to speak generally, grain, hemp, oak, pitch and tar, etc., which made a considerable gain in the reckoning of the balance.

IV. From the accompanying lists, it is seen that the most honorable means and the surest income that Sweden now has, consists in the working of her iron and copper. Iron brings into the country two to three million riksdalers a year, or pays for an amount of goods which answers to that sum, and copper one million a year. From this it follows that the kingdom's welfare and the balance of trade is now founded mainly on the maintenance of the mining district, and one call be the more sure of this, in that foreign traders will not neglect to plot all unnoticed to get for themselves the profits which the Swedish mining district can give out for the use of the kingdom.

V. For this, it would be necessary, 1, To inform oneself as to the condition of the Swedish merchant shipping, and to see how it can gradually be raised up and brought to its former lustre. 2, To examine the quality, the nature, and the quantity of the wares, one and all, that are brought to us from foreign places, and how far they are necessary for us and indispensable; so that one can cease to use them; or can procure the wares for a better price or at less cost; or can have them manufactured in this country, whereby an unnecessary importation could be stopped, or the profit of the manufacture be kept in the country; 3, and likewise works and manufactures within the country could be promoted to better advantage, quality and return.

Such and other like matters should be referred to the examination of the Royal Colleges to which the country's economy is entrusted by the Estates of the Realm. But since their concern is mainly with the private economy of manufacturing, and with the dispensing of justice, they probably have little time left to look into the general economy in all its parts. Therefore, the only recourse herein is to the Estates of the Realm which will be pleased to keep ward over these highly important matters whereon depends the whole welfare of posterity. Stockholm. 5
Feb. 1723. Eman. Swedenborg

This Memorial was received by the Business Committee or Uhrskillnings Deputation as it was called, of the House of Nobles.4

It was read there on February 5th, and was then referred to the Commerce Committee, where it was read on February 22d, but no action was taken.

4 In view of the great number of memorials presented to the House, a business committee was appointed to receive and examine them. This deputation then referred them to one or other of the committees or deputations to which the subject belonged, and there it was decided whether or not it should be presented to the Diet; or the business Deputation could refer them to the Diet direct.

Although Swedenborg was addressed by the Bergscollegium as Assessor, he was yet without a salary, and was also denied a seat at the meeting of the College, and this, despite the fact that he had attended several of its meetings in November 1719, and had voted as an assessor.5 He had thrice made written application for full recognition as assessor, but each time without success, the only tangible result being, that after the failure of his second application, he was formally denied the right to a seat and vote in the Bergscollegium.6

5 See p. 217.

6 See p. 242.

He had not given up hope, however; and now, after his return from Germany, where he had made extensive observations of the mining districts, and where he had received the most signal marks of favor from Duke Ludwig Rudolph of Blanckenburg, he determined once more to apply to the Bergscollegium for recognition. Probably also he was encouraged in this by his knowledge that during his absence in January, the Bergscollegium had received a new president, the learned and honorable Gustaf Bonde, to whom he had dedicated the first volume of his Miscellaneous Observations. He made his new application in a letter addressed to the College, and dated STOCKHOLM, FEBRUARY 12, 1723:

High and Wellborn Herr Count and President

and
Wellborn Herrar Councillors and Assessors:

To your Excellency and to the most worshipful Royal Collegium, I come in humility with the enclosed copies of the most blessed King Charles XII's Warrant and letter, to be Extraordinary Assessor in the Royal Bergscollegium, and there to have voice and seat; from the enjoyment of which privilege I have been hindered, since the removal of the most blessed King by death, partly by journeys at home and abroad, and partly because I wished humbly to await the very gracious and voluntary summons of your Countship's Excellency and of the most worshipful Royal Collegium.

Now, as my only desire and longing is further to improve myself in such branches as concern the administration of the Swedish mining districts generally, and particularly; and as this cannot well be attained without attending the sessions of the Royal Collegium, it is my duty in this respect, first, to await in humility on the gracious expression of your Countship's Excellency and the most worshipful Royal Collegium, as to whether there is any hindrance in the way of my again entering. I remain

Your Excellency's

And

the most Worshipful Bergscollegium's

most humble servant

Emanuel Swedenborg
Stockholm, Feb. 12
1723

[Enclosures]

Copy

We, Carl, by God's grace, King of Sweden, Gtha and Wende, etc., etc., make known that, inasmuch as we have graciously thought fit that some one who has a good knowledge of mechanics, should also have a seat in the Bergs Collegium; and for this, our faithful and beloved subject, Emanuel Swedberg, in view of his praiseworthy qualities and skill, has been proposed to us; therefore, we have herewith and by virtue of this our open warrant, graciously willed to appoint him, Emanuel Swedberg, to be Assessor Extraordinarius in our Bergs Collegium. To this, all whom it may concern must give obedient observance, etc., etc.

Lund, Dec. 18, 1716

CAROLUS

S. Cronhjelm

Read in the Royal Bergscollegium, April 6, 1717

Carl. Our special favor ... Since in grace we have been pleased to advance Eman: Swedberg to be Extraord: Ass: in the Bergs Collegio, yet in such way that at the same time he should accompany Councillor of Commerce Polhem and be his assistant in instituting his constructions and inventions, we have, therefore, desired hereby to inform you of this, with the gracious order that you allow him to enjoy seat and voice in the Collegium when he is able to be present, and, in particular, when such matters come up as concern mechanics.

Wherewith we command, etc.

Lund, Dec. 18, 1716

CAROLUS

S. Cronhjelm

No answer to the above letter was received from the Bergscollegium. One reason for this neglect was probably the fact that the Diet which had assembled in the middle of January was claiming the attention of the members of the College, all of whom were members of the House of Nobles. Indeed, Swedenborg was himself actively interested in the work of this Diet, particularly in respect to Swedish finances and foreign trade, on which subjects, as a member of one of the special committees appointed by the Diet (see p. 301), he presented more than one memorial.

He waited six weeks for an answer to his letter, after which he again addressed himself to the Bergscollegium in a letter dated MARCH 20, 1723:

High and Wellborn Herr Count and

President
Wellborn Herrar Councillors and Assessors:

Since some time ago I submitted a humble petition respecting a vote and seat in the Royal Bergscollegium; and your Countship's Excellency, and the most worshipful Royal Collegium, have likely been prevented from coming to a decision on private affairs such as this, by reason of the important matters of the Diet, it is now my humble request that your Countship's Excellency and the most worshipful Collegium will be pleased to come to some decision regarding me in this matter, which I await in all humility. I remain, with all reverence,

Your Countship Excellency's

And

the most Worshipful Royal Collegium's

most humble servant

Eman; Swedenborg
Stockholm, Mar. 20
1723

The immediate effect of this letter was an invitation to Swedenborg to attend the sessions of the Bergscollegium.

Accordingly, he was present at the session of March 23, and his signature is included with those of other Assessors on an official letter. This attendance, however, was trot intended as recognition or appointment as a salaried Assessor, and on March 30, Swedenborg finally had recourse to a petition, addressed to the Diet itself, wherein he requested permission to bring the matter up for consideration after April 13, in case he did not earlier receive a reply from the Bergscollegium. No action was taken on this petition, but, nevertheless, it had an immediate effect, for on April 1, Swedenborg was called by the Bergscollegium to discuss the matter.

At this meeting the question of precedence was brought up, as between him and his future brother-in-law, Johan Bergenstierna.1 The matter was one of importance since advancement was by seniority, the Senior Assessor being entitled to the office and salary of a councillor as soon as a vacancy occurred. Bergenstierna had been appointed assessor in 1720 (see p. 241) while Swedenborg's appointment as extraordinary assessor was in 1716. The latter was therefore asked if he would give precedence to Bergenstierna. To this he readily consented. Then came the question whether he would give precedence to his present brother-in-law Lars Benzelstierna who had been appointed Assessor in 1722. He said be would like to talk the matter over with his brother-in-law. As a result of this talk he reported to the College on April 11, that since Benzelstierna as assessor was obliged to attend the sessions of the College, whereas he, as extraordinary assessor, could attend or not at pleasure, he consented to sit below his brother-in-law* but with the reservation, that this place should be reserved for him, in case a new assessor be appointed. He then took his place at the board immediately below Assessor Benzelstierna--but without salary.

1 Johan Bergenstierna (1668-1748) married Elizabeth Brink, the widow of Swedenborg's brother Eliezer. See p. 241.

* In his first meeting at the College, his seat--the lowest--had been after Anders Swab; see p. 154 Bergenstjerna became Assessor in 1720, and Benzelstierna in 1722.

One of the early actions of every Diet was the appointment of deputations for the more particular discussion of matters that might come before the Diet. Thus, there was a Deputation on War, a Deputation on Banking, a Deputation on Mines, etc. Each of the four Estates appointed its own members separately, the House of Nobles appointing double the number appointed by each of the other three houses. To these deputations, the appropriate memorials were referred by the Deputation on Business. The Deputation then considered the memorials and decided whether or not to report them to the Diet, together with other matters which they might wish to be taken up. Each deputation sat as a whole, but its report was made to each of the four Houses by the members of the deputation representing that House.

On February 9th, Swedenborg was appointed a member of the Deputation on Mining (R. o. A. Protocol, 1723, p. 76). This was evidently a recognition of his qualifications, for his writ of appointment as Assessor Extraordinary by Charles XII was not yet recognized by the College of Mines. Mining, Commerce, and Customs were so closely related that, although each had a separate Deputation, it was arranged that they should have joint meetings whenever the subjects under consideration demanded this--which was quite often. This brought Swedenborg into frequent contact with the Deputation on Commerce which, during the whole Diet was extremely active in considering the means whereby the country might be restored to prosperity. This was also of great interest to Swedenborg, and, as a member of one of the deputations, he was kept well informed of the various proposals that were made and discussed.

For a long time past, there had been great distress in the copper works at the Fahlun copper mine and at Avesta where the copper coins were made, owing to the lack of sufficient charcoal to carry on the work; for the peasants had been selling their charcoal to the iron smelters who offered a better price. Therefore, on December 4th, 1722, an Ordinance was issued, imposing a fine on all iron works situated in or near the Stora Kopparberg,2 which unlawfully purchased charcoal, and also on the peasant who sold the charcoal (Frordningar, pp. 619, 625), the iron forgers and smelters being obligated to confine themselves to their own woods. Despite this, however, the copper industry at Fahlun and Avesta continued to suffer from lack of charcoal, for the lure of higher prices defied the law.

2 The great copper mountain near Fahlun.

This discrimination against iron and in favor of copper as being the nobler metal, led Swedenborg to make strong protest; and that he was justified in this, is evident from the fact, already noted, that iron, being Sweden's principal export, was the richest source of her wealth. He therefore submitted to the House of Nobles a memorial on this subject, dated FEBRUARY 18, 1723:

HUMBLE MEMORIAL*

* In connection with this Memorial, it may be noted that in former times copper was "the noblest jewel in the Swedish crown," but the production of copper and also its selling price had steadily fallen, while that of iron had so steadily increased that in 1724 it constituted five-sevenths of the kingdom's exports and commanded a good price in the world market (Malmstrm 2:105)

Sweden is blessed above many other kingdoms with metals of different sorts. But in places where many sorts are found in one tract, it has been ruled from of old that the nobler metal should have preference above the less noble.

Thus, if silver and copper should be found in the same locality, then, in consequence of the above mentioned rule, which afterwards became law,1 silver would have the preference, and the neighboring woods and estates would be assigned to it.

1 I.e., the ancient rule was later incorporated in a Royal Ordinance. The ordinance was published in May 1689 (Frrdningar, p. 385).

Now since such Ordinance is so absolute that it is not permitted to take into consideration any circumstantier other than the nobility of the metals, therefore, in humility, I will adduce some cases which will show that such Ordinance can at times militate against the general good of the kingdom. For example:

If, in mining districts where are iron mines and where have been erected blast furnaces which furnish the whole mining district with iron, there should be found a poor and thin vein of silver or copper; and if, because of the nobility of these metals and without any consideration of the advancement of the general welfare, it should be able to insult and push out works that have been brought into fitting condition; that is, if for 200 marks2 of silver, one must give up the working of 2,000 skeppunds of iron, this would be a loss of 8 dalers for one gained. Yet it would be certain that for the 2,000 skeppund of iron, foreign merchants are willing to pay from 14 to 1500 marks in native silver.

2 A mark in silver weight was two-thirds of an ounce Troy.

So likewiseBshould there be found by the side of the Stora Kopparberg mine a great mountain of thin silver ore, from which six to ten thousand marks could be obtained at the same cost as is incurred today [in the obtaining of copper] at this great mine--if, merely because of the accepted rule, one were to cultivate the nobler metal and put aside the less noble, even though one were assured that for the copper which this considerable work yields every year, a foreign merchant will give eight or ten times as much in silver of the same standard as in the former case.

Now since such a rule without any limitation could in a year do injury ten or a hundred times greater than the profit which itself shows, the question is submitted to the ripe consideration of the Diet, whether it would not be necessary that in certain cases the said rule be limited; to wit, that we should have in view, not only the nobility of the metals, but also the general welfare, that is, all the cases and circumstantier which can show that in the long run, the one work brings more into the kingdom than the other, or, that the work itself is the nobler, even though the metal is ignoble.

Otherwise, it is to be feared, as already stated, that for the sake of the continuance of a single rule, the kingdom will lose many tons of gold and will have the enjoyment of the eighth part thereof from a metal that is nobler. In the general oeconomie of the kingdom, this seems to be all too uneven an account, or too high and expensive a sport between the Swedish metals. Stockholm, 18 Feb. 1723.

Eman. Swedenborg

This Memorial was read by the Uhrskillnings Deputation, and by it was referred to the joint Deputation on Commerce and Mining of which latter Swedenborg himself was a member. There it was read on March 1st, but it seems to have made no progress.

During February and March, the Commerce Deputation, the most influential of whose members were representatives from the staple cities, was busily engaged in considering ways and means for securing greater profit from Sweden's foreign trade, especially the profit from the carriage of cargoes, which was then enjoyed mainly by English and Dutch ships.

On this subject there were two schools of thought, represented respectively by the ironmasters and the shipowners. Prior to 1699, foreign traders had been allowed in the mining districts, where they contracted with the individual iron manufacturers. But on November 15th, 1699, Charles XII, on the ground that the smelters were selling their iron to foreigners, or were themselves exporting it, issued an ordinance forbidding this practice, and compelling the iron dealers to sell to the merchants of the three staple cities--that is, cities which alone had the right of exportBStockholm, Gothenburg and Karlscrona (Kgl. Frordningar, p. 515). The object of the ordinance was the promotion and growth of the staple cities. Its effect, however, was to make the export iron industry the monopoly of a few merchants. In consequence of this, within fourteen days of the issuing of the ordinance, the price of iron fell by 10 dal. k.mt per skeppund, and this resulted in such an outcry that the ordinance was soon suspended (Chydenius, Politiska Skrifter, p. 157); and from when on until 1723, foreigners were permitted to trade with the iron manufacturers direct.

This was what the iron industry wanted--a free market where they could obtain the best price for their iron. And since iron was by far the most important and most profitable of Sweden's export trade, they justly held that freedom to trade directly with the foreigner was most profitable to the whole country. Indeed, it was because of the iron export that Sweden had had a favorable balance of trade, especially with England where Swedish iron was in great demand (Heckscher, Produktplakatet, p. 25, 26, 30).

The merchants and shipowners in the staple cities were opposed to allowing foreigners to deal direct with the iron manufacturers. They argued that by this means the foreigner got all the profits, not only from the purchase and sale of iron, but also from the shipping charges for freightage. They worked, therefore, to exclude the foreigner from the domestic trade, thus compelling the iron manufacturers to sell to the staple cities which alone would have the right to sell to foreigners--and profit thereby.

During the discussions in the Commerce Deputation, it was first proposed entirely to exclude all foreign ships from Swedish ports. But this was altogether too drastic a step, involving serious international questions. Finally the Deputation confined itself to consideration of the proposal that no ships be allowed to bring any goods to Sweden except those produced in the land in which the ship was registered. During the discussion of this question on March 22d, one of the members of the Deputation, himself an iron manufacturer, stated that before such a step was taken, three points should be made clear: 1. Whether Sweden could avoid the importation of salt, a most necessary item for Sweden, by foreign vessels, without a great rise in its price. 2. Whether foreign ships could carry Sweden's exports if they had to come without cargoes. 3. Whether the measure would not jeopardize Sweden's relations with foreign nations. "The whole prosperity of the country (he added) depended on the mining district, and yet they talked so rashly against it, just in the interests of a few merchants." His opponents answered that by 1724, enough ships could be built or bought to carry the greater part of Sweden's foreign trade (Heckscher, Produktplakatet, pp. 35-35) The number of ships then owned by Sweden was 228, of which only were of any size (ibid. 52).

Swedenborg was, of course, well aware of what was going on, and that it was opposed both to his interests as an iron manufacturer and to his principles of political economy which were averse to all restraint of trade. Therefore, on APRIL 2D, 1723, he sent to the Diet a Memorial on the subject.

HUMBLE MEMORIAL

As I perceive that the Commerce Committee, appointed by the most worsh. Estates of the Realm, have had under consideration the question as to how far foreigners and foreign agents may and ought to be allowed in the country to buy Swedish wares; and as the matter has already been communicated to the Royal Colleges of Mines and Commerce; may it please the most worsh. Estates of the Realm not to take it ungraciously that I venture, in humility, to point out that before the matter is concluded and the Commerce Deputation's opinion is submitted, the Mining Deputation appointed by the Estates of the Realm may also receive the pertinent part thereof, and the two Deputations have a joint meeting on the matter, inasmuch as it concerns not only the interest of traders but also the welfare and oeconomium of the whole mining district. For, as it is reported, some think they are able to show that in case foreigners should now he banished from the country and free trade with our own wares be forbidden, it would put the whole of Swedish iron and the mining industry in jeopardy, and within a few years would completely destroy it and so would tear down with one hand what was built up with the other. Stockholm, April 2, 1723.

Eman. Swedenborg

This Memorial was handed in to the Business Committee of the Diet, and on April 5th the Committee referred it to the Commerce Deputation, and there it stayed until July 31st when it was read in the Mining Deputation, of which Swedenborg himself was a member. Nothing further was done with it.

Swedenborg was firmly convinced that iron was the most important of Sweden's products, but he was also aware that Sweden did not reap the full advantage of her wealth in iron ore. For she exported her iron to other countries, there to be made into steel which she then imported. He therefore advocated the establishment in Sweden of the manufacture of steel.

This he did in a memorial to the Diet which was accompanied by a drawing of a machine for cutting steel into bars. He had examined this machine during his stay in Liege in the winter of 1721. The Memorial is dated APRIL 11, 1723:

HUMBLE MEMORIAL

The most important thing in a kingdom is that the setting up of manufacturing be promoted, and especially so when one has the ruda [raw] material therefor. That which is ignoble is thereby nobiliteras [made noble] and advanced in price, and the public enjoys the benefit and avance [advantage] thereof.

It is known to all the world that no nation has such opportunity for setting up the manufacture of iron as Sweden. On the other hand, many deplore our late in that we ourselves wish and desire the establishment of manufactures but without put ting it into execution and without energy. I will therefore humbly present a project showing how a foundation can he laid for their advancement so that they can be gradually commenced and grow up and be improved. In consequence whereof, I will humbly relate the following:

I From Sweden many thousand skeppunds of coarse pig iron are exported to Holland at great cost for customs and freight, etc., and from there it is sent far inland to Saurland and Liege, where it is divided into pieces which are then rolled and cut into lengths of six, ten to twelve small bars, or also pressed out into bands.l It is then carried back to Holland and from there to many places in Europe, where it is sold at considerable profit. Thus our Swedish iron must in this way be ennobled in Brabant and give them a profit which, with a little expense and industry, we could ourselves retain.

1 That is, bands such as are used by tying up bales, also for barrels, etc.

II This iron, which has been divided into small rods, and, by means of rolling and cutting machines, into fine wares and forms, then serves for the advancement of all kinds of small manufactures For by its means time is saved as well as work and expense, being medium [midway] between the raw Swedish iron and the manufactured wares themselves of whatever sort they be.

III It serves likewise as material for all who work at locksmithing, because they have an assortment upon which otherwise they must expend much time and expense. Thus the manufacturers as well as the work of the locksmiths themselves advance the country to an incredible profit and a lowering of prices.

IV Of this, one can anticipate a certain diminution and a considerable distribution within the country itself; and what is not consumed for domestic needs can be sent to other places in Europe and there be disposed of to avance [advantage]. One can have so much surer hope of this, since the larger part of the cut iron that is sent from Liege consists of Liege and Brabant iron, which, in the absence of better, many nations must use although it is cold-brittle,2 brittle and breakable. Were the same sorts of iron articles sent from Sweden, the others would fall in estimation and in price, and the better would win the prize, a fact which is proved by those who travel to these places and who carry on correspondence with them.

2 Kallbrckt iron is soft and malleable when heated, but as soon as it becomes cold or lukewarm is extremely brittle under the hammer or on falling (Rinman).

If the most worsh. Estates of the Realm were pleased to advance the setting up of such manufacture, and thereby lay a foundation for the establishing of iron manufacture in Sweden, the most worsh. Estates of the Realm would likely grant advantages and liberties to those who set up the work; and the Roy. College of Mines will give the most worsh. Estates of the Realm a project of the privilege to be given whereby these works ought especially to be promoted and be set in an advantageous condition.

The accompanying drawing shows a machine such as is used in foreign lands. The cutting is done at two ovens capable of 40 skeppunds every twenty-four hours or from 8-10,000 skps. annually, with the help of eleven workmen; and the consumption therefor is twelve to fourteen stigs3 of charcoal every twenty-four hours. The cost may amount to 6 marks per skeppund. Part is rolled into iron bands, a part into material for nails, thin rods, steel wire, gallerier, etc. A part is for locksmiths, being of whatever sort is desired. Stockholm, April 11, 1723.

Eman. Swedenborg.

3 A stig was about 40 bushels.

[Etching.] Drefoe et Lipfice in Officina Hekeliana 1734

DESCRIPTION OF THE ACCOMPANYING DRAWING.4

4 Here Swedenborg's original drawing is described. It is probable that he requested that it be returned to him by the joint Deputation on Mining and Commerce, for in 1734 he had an engraving made from it which was included in his work on Iron published in that same year. It is this engraving which is here reproduced.

1 At the extreme right are two wheels, only one of which is seen. These drive the whole machine, and all the cogwork seen in the drawing.

2 At the extreme left is a double oven in which iron is heated to a glowing red. The iron which is there used is coarse pig iron. The iron is divided into pieces, each being about 5 quarteers,5 which are cast into the oven crosswise in such way that they make a vault under which is laid the charcoal; and all the pieces, which together may amount to 3 to 5 skeppunds, are brought to a red heat at the same time.

5 1 quarter = 6 inches.

3 They are then taken out, one by one, and each is placed under the rolling machine through which it runs and is pressed out both breadthwise and lengthwise. The rolling machines are of no great size. While it is running, water must be poured over it, this facilitating the work.

4 When the iron has twice been in the fire and gone through the rolling machine and has become broader, and three times longer than at the first, it is then taken to the cutting machine and, running through it, is divided into the number of rods for which one has chosen to arrange the machine, whether 3, 6, 8 or 12.

5 The rods are then bound into bundles and set up.

6 Below, at the left, is a furnace where a smith is preparing all that is needed, so that one has at hand all kinds of rollers and round steel discs such as are used in the cutting.

This Memorial was read in the Business Committee of the Diet, on May 17th, and was referred to the joint deputation on Mining and Commerce, by whom it was referred to the Deputation on Mining where it was read on June 11th. Nothing further is heard of it until two years later, when, on August 23, 1725, the King referred it to the joint Mining and Commerce Deputation by whom, on September 1, 1726--one year later--it was "entered among the transactions" of the Committee.

And this is the last that is heard of it.*

* During a visit to Stockholm in 1949, I Came across a book by Carl Sahlin, entitled Valsverk inom den Svenska Metalurgie Industrien intil brjan av 1870 taleti Stockholm, 1934, which throws some light on the effect of Swedenborg's memorial. In his chapter on "Rolling and cutting machines for the making of iron rods and bands," Sahlin says: "The one who gave impulse to again introducing rolling and cutting machines...was Emanuel Swedenborg. During a journey in Holland and Germany from 1721 to 1722, and among other things, he studied the rolling machine, and in consequence thereof, drew up, on April 11, 1723, a memorial addressed to the Diet, which was handed in on the 20th of the same month. Since this paper which has not hitherto been published in Swedish constitutes a weighty document in the history of our rolling work, it will here be printed in its entirety." Then follows the memorial itself together with the accompanying drawing (taken from Swedenborg's De Ferro). Sahlin then continues: "The drawing is of great interest since it is the oldest existing drawing of such work which the technical world has (Johannsen, Die Geschichliche Entwichlung der Velsverkstetechnick, Dsseldorf, 1929).... The first Swedish works which took up Swedenborg's project in actuality was Vedervafi.... On January 17, 1726, the Director of Vedervg [Hans Ehrenpreus] approached the College of Mines with a request to establish ... a rolling and cutting work of a construction like that used in foreign works. For this they requested a monopoly privilege for 12 years. Two days later, January 17, the requested privilege was granted by the College, and in due course a rolling and cutting machine was set up and operated in the Vedervg's works, under the direction and operation of two Frenchmen from Liege (pp. 149-52). Since Swedenborg was an Assessor in the College of Mines at the time when the Directors of Vedervg made this application, it can hardly be doubted that his memorial and its accompanying illustration played a prominent part in this transaction. See New Philosophy, 1950, p. 25.

Meantime, on April 10, 1723, a memorial was presented to the Diet, complaining that foreigners were sucking the life out of Sweden, not only by buying its goods and selling them in foreign ports at great profit, but also by the profits their ships earned in carrying native goods from one Swedish port to another. The memorial, therefore, appealed for the entire exclusion of foreigners from all free trade in Sweden, and the confining of foreign dealings to Swedish merchants, to whom alone Swedes could sell goods intended for export (Chydenius, pp 163-63)

This aroused Swedenborg's zeal, not only as an owner of iron forges, but as a patriotic citizen; for he clearly saw that approval of the memorial by the Diet would mean the establishment of monopolies.

The memorial itself was referred to the Deputation on Commerce, and it was to this Deputation, which itself favored the memorial (Chydenius, p. 176) that Swedenborg addressed his rebuttal in the form of a Memorial dated APRIL 13, 1723, which was an amplification of his former memorial of April 2d, on the subject of Foreign Trade:

HUMBLE MEMORIAL

As is known, the Committee on Commerce, appointed by the most worsh. Estates of the Realm, in consequence of certain humble memorials that were handed in, has had in consideration the question as to whether foreign agents should be tolerated in the country, and whether hereafter as heretofore they may carry on trade in wares produced here in the country, such as iron, etc.; and some have made the claim that the freedom granted to these foreigners from of old and time after time, should be restricted, and the mining district be allowed to offer its wares to native merchants or to recognize them as the only buyers thereof. Now since such a claim leads to the utter ruin of the Swedish mining district, I feel myself in duty bound, both as a sharer in the prosperity of the milling districts, and as a subject, to show its unreasonableness and, at the same time, to set forth the fatal consequences which would thereby come upon the Estates of the Realm, and all its loyal inhabitants.

It may not be unknown that by the change in the coinage and the times, Sweden has undergone such a fate that its economy has come into a condition wholly different from what it had formerly been; and is in such a jeopardous position that, when the coinage declined or the price of iron was dominated in some other way, half of it was completely lost, and the other half quickly languished away.

I will show this clearly from experience. During the late King Carl XII's government of 1699, a like presentation of the case was made, when the claimants, likewise under the pretext of the general welfare, obtained gracious consent thereto, namely, that trade should be forbidden to foreigners. The foreign agents were thereby compelled to abstain therefrom; but it came to pass that within fourteen days, Swedish iron fell from 31 or 32 dalers to 22, and finally the mining district had to search for buyers thereof with bargaining and trouble. The Roy. Colleges, therefore, must again come together and show the late King the great jeopardy and the destruction of the mining district which would ensue if it should not be changed in good time; whereupon the prohibition was recalled and freedom of selling and trading restored.l One sees this now from actual experience, and this must at least serve us as a mirror wherein to see the condition into which the whole mining district, which is the kingdom's chief support, will be brought.

1 On November 25th, 1699, Charles XII issued an ordinance forbidding all who were engaged in the manufacture of iron to have any dealings with foreign merchants, and obliging them to sell their products to citizens of certain staple cities, who in their turn were to pay "a reasonable price, such as they themselves can obtain from the foreigner" (Kgl. Frordningar, p. 515). The bad results of this ordinance at once became evident, and the ordinance was not enforced. It was finally repealed on April 21, 1719, by an ordinance issued by Ulrica Eleonora (ibid. p. 594).

The source and spring of the kingdom's prosperity is indeed the mining district. It is by this that trade is balanced, the kingdom provided with all necessities, and imported goods for both food and clothing paid for. By this the copper coinage is kept in the kingdom, and domestic business maintained in strength. If now the iron trade should be subject to Swedish traders to be left to them alone, the mining district would inescapably come under that same duress which is shown by experience and by all the circumstances to hand, whereby must necessarily come scarcity both to the public and to the private individual.

To present the matter in its lively colors, such a prohibition-to wit, that Swedish traders alone should be the purchasers of this kingdom's produces---would be nothing else than their coming indirectly into possession of all the advantages owned by the mining district. Thus, for example, if certain persons should claim the sole right to receive the grain that comes from estates and farms, and should purchase it according to their own agreement, counsel and design, what else would this be than to destroy everything that could result from the kingdom's agriculture, and to accumulate to oneself all profit from Swedish properties, to take away, all unnoticed, the juice of all gains such as belongs to the subjects of other kingdoms, and to depossidera [dispossess] them of the profit and advantages which ought to result from their well earned property, and so to reduce them to being slaves and tributaries, with the compensation that to the owners is left the shell and the name of being masters over their own goods.

To the same fate would the mining district be subjected if the owners were bound to subject themselves to the discretion of certain traders, and to recognize them and how down to them as the masters of their effects. These they likewise own, and for them they alone receive payment from foreign nations, while the owner, under the virtuous sheen of the general welfare, must step out of his own property in that he must leave its profits to others. And to this he is compelled by the fact that freedom is taken away from him, he being in possession thereof no otherwise than as a smith is in possession of his anvil and hammer; against which thraldom and unrighteous injury, and the invasion of freedom, the most worsh. Estates of the Realm have taken upon themselves to be guarantors for the whole kingdom.

If the mining district and its economy is destroyed, as can be shown with clear and most evident reasons to be the result herefrom, it follows that, with the mining district, the internal economy of the whole kingdom would go down to complete destruction. The strength resulting from domestic trade, and the sales resulting from the cattle breeding on freehold estates and farms, and likewise the movement and balancing of foreign commerce is dependent on and is upheld by the thriving condition of the mining district. By this, the farmer gets return for his grain, the merchant and shopkeeper his profit and the movement of trade, and every subject resident in the kingdom, an increase in the produce yielded by the country estates.

But otherwise, all activity in the kingdom would come to a stop, the nobleman would no longer receive any profitable return from his breeding, nor the peasant and the priest any extra income therefrom; the merchant, with the exception of a few who have their interest herein, would have no trade, inasmuch as the profits resulting from the mining districts of the kingdom would fall into the hands of some few persons, and particularly into the hands of foreigners.

Up to the present, not one of the sovereign kings of Sweden has been willing to consent to such a project, with the exception of what happened in 1699--which was changed. Still less is it to be supposed that it call be brought into use, and damnable monopolies be thus strengthened, under a free government where the upholding of the economy of the country is the only object in view. Such an object, moreover, which so essentially touches the economical condition of the country, the general welfare of the kingdom and the upholding of the strength of the mining district, etc., ought not to be brought into dispute nor to be weighed in any such way that it can thereby come into any uncertainty. For as concerns this matter, it would be the same as bringing into dispute whether or not an owner can dispose of his own property; or whether a guardian should be appointed, to whom one shall leave the advantages of another's property; or also, whether the noblest and most important part in the kingdom should become a sacrifice and be entirely offered up to the service of another.

As regards the reasons which might supposedly be brought up against this, under the title of publici [the public] good and the advancement of commerce, I take it on myself, if such reasons come to the fore, to show that they are mere chimeras, and in such measure highly injurious to the public. I therefore reserve the right further to develop this matter. Stockholm, April 13, 1723.*

Em Swedenborg

* This Memorial is printed by the famous liberal-minded Finnish economist, Anders Chydenius, in his Omstndligt Svar, etc., printed in his Politiska Skrifter, Helsingiors, 1880, pp. 253-55. Chydenius was a great admirer, not only of Swedenborg's economic principles, but also of his ability clearly to present them. In his Rikets Hjelp, published in 1766, speaking of Swedenborg's work On the Lowering and Raising of the Coinage, published in 1722--being anonymous, Chydenius did not know that it was by Swedenborg--he says: "He brings out the matter with such clearness and strength that it call hardly be improved, and needs merely to be adapted to the crisis in which we now are" (ibid. 285).

Of the present Memorial, he says: "But then [when the proposal was made concerning foreign ships] a worthy member of the Diet . . . set forth the matter with a clearness, power and zeal such as can always be expected from an undaunted and honorable member of the Diet. He founds his thoughts on reason; he appeals to irresistible experience. He paints the consequences of the prohibition with lively colors. He shows that it would be a severe invasion of the citizen's rights which, when having been spared in the time of sovereignty, should least of all be fitting in a free republic; for industry, business and the state itself would thereby be destroyed and the property of the subject be a sacrifice for the profit of others" (ibid. p. 156). Of the same Memorial, a later historian says that "it drew a parallel between political freedom and economic freedom, unusual for the times" (Heckscher, Produktplakatet, p. 45, printed in Hjarne, Hist. Studier, p. 737).

This Memorial was considered by the Uhrskillnings Deputation (see p. 296, note) by which it was referred to the joint Mining and Commerce Committee of which Swedenborg was a member. What its further fate was is not apparent, but see p. 429, line 19 seq.

Subsequent to this Memorial, ii not in consequence of it, the Diet (probably the Diet of 1726) prayed to the King to appoint a joint committee of members of the Chancery College and the College of Mines to consider the whole question. It does not appear, however, that the committee was appointed until the spring of 1728. Swedenborg was a member of this joint committee, and it held meetings on April 28, 1728 and on December 9th, 1730, and doubtless others between these dates. A meeting was called for the end of November or the early part of December 1723. See p. 429, line 19 seq.

On June 20th, 1723, the Diet accepted the recommendation of the Commerce Deputation against which Swedenborg had argued, and it became law (1) That foreign ships could bring in only the products of their own land--this, however, was not to go into effect until the College of Commerce notified the King that Sweden had enough ships for her foreign trade, which it did at tire end of May 1723. (2) That Swedish ships should enjoy one-third reduction on import customs; and (3) That the staple cities alone had the right to store and export Swedish products.

The actual results of these laws verified Swedenborg's prophecy. They are described at length by Chydenius (p. 95 seq., 137 seq.). The export trade came into the hands of a few men, and at once iron prices fell from 57-64 dal. k.mt. per skeppund in 1724 to 47-54 in 1726-28 and 37-44 in 1729-49 in which latter year a palliative was supplied by an Iron Office, privately established by the iron manufacturers under government approval (Chydenius 146-47; Sv. Konv. Lex., s.v., Jernkontoret).

It will be recalled that on February 18th, l723, Swedenborg had presented his Memorial concerning the discrimination between iron and the nobler metals in favor of the latter. The matter of the lack of charcoal for the copper mining, because of the higher price paid by the iron manufacturer, was discussed at length in the House of Nobles on April 24th. It was then decided that a commission should be appointed by the King to inquire into the matter by visiting the copper mining region; also that any iron manufacturer who bought charcoal beyond the privileges granted him--usually to confine himself to his own woods--should be fined 1,000 dal. s.mt. for the first offence, and for the second, should lose all his privileges. During the discussion, one member remarked: "If the copper works pay as much for charcoal as the iron works, they will get charcoal enough"; to which the Landmarshal or President retorted, "Before the copper works suffer lack of charcoal, the iron works must go" (Rid. o. Ad. Prot. 1723, 186-88). This was further emphasized three weeks later when on May 15th the instruction given to the College of Mines by the Deputation on Instructions was read in the House of Nobles, to the effect that the College should be particularly solicitous of the copper and silver works as dealing with a nobler material than iron (ibid. 233)

This led Swedenborg to present a second memorial on the subject, which he did on MAY 18TH:

HUMBLE MEMORIAL

In the Instruction communicated on May 15th to the Royal College of Mines by the Deputation appointed by the most worsh. Estates of the Realm on Instructions for the Bergscollegium and the provincial governors, and which was submitted to the approval of the most worsh. Estates of the Realm, it was ordered and commanded that the said Roy. Bergscollegium shall have all tender care and solicitude for the welfare of the mining districts, but shall be particularly solicitous of the copper and silver works, as being nobler and more precious and the importance of which is as great as is the welfare of the country itself. The iron works, on the other hand, as depending on an ignoble and meaner material and metal, was presented and put forward in less solicitous and less worthy termer, it being added that as occasions occur, the latter should yield position and preference to the former. Because of this, and induced by many weighty reasons, I venture in humility to represent to the most worsh. Estates of the Realm, how that the Swedish iron mining districts are deserving of the approval and high regard of the most worsh. Estates of the Realm, and the tireless solicitude and protection of its dependent Roy. Bergscollium equally well as the copper mining districts.

1. It is well known that at the present time the Swedish iron mining districts bring forth or produce for the kingdom annually from 250 to 270,000 skeppunds of iron,1 which at the present current price corresponds to from 48 to 50 tunna gold in dalers s.m.2 Thus, from its iron mining districts, the public or the kingdom in general enjoys yearly new capital and a revenue of about 50 tunna gold.

1 One Skeppund mining weight equals about 350 lbs. In 1720, the yield was 251,000 skeppunds, and iron constituted five-sevenths of Sweden's export. The copper yield in Oxenstierna's time was 20,000 skeppunds. In 1720 it was only 5,800, and the yield of silver was insignificant.

2 1 tunna gold equaled L1,400. 

2. Of this, the crown enjoys yearly in forge taxes, tithes, free and unfree customs,3 and other taxes coming from the works direct, about 6 tunna gold.

3 Foreign ships paid the full customs tax and were "unfree." Swedish ships paid only two-thirds and were "free."

3. Through town dues, weighing, carrying, freight and factorie-charges, and also provisions, the staple and other cities enjoy about 4 tunna gold.

4. The general public and many thousand persons who with their families are fed hereby and who have their support both by the selling and hauling of charcoal and wood, and by work in the woods, at the mining, smelting and forging works, enjoy here the distribution of 15 tunna gold, not to speak of the general public which itself has a share in the mines and smelters.

5. The merchants who with their salt, fish, tobacco, clothes, etc., and the farmers who with their grain and other products of the land, supply and replenish these mining districts, draw to themselves at least 20 tunna gold per year, all of which causes an incredibly strong movement in business.

6. The remaining profits which come in from the cassor [treasure chests] of the mining district are such that they remain in the country and are used for the carrying on of the works, and for maintaining them in good condition. Partly also by their means the coarse metals are ennobled, and thereby the income of the public and the welfare of the kingdom is advanced.

7. And now, since the Swedish iron mining districts draw annually from foreign nations, and bring into the kingdom, about 50 tunna gold, either in cash or in wares, and distribute them to the public in the way spoken of, and thereby hold all our foreign and domestic trade and manufacture in constant activity and steady progress, and result in the copper coinage remaining in the country; one ought in all reason to conclude therefrom that the welfare of these mining districts, being equally important as that of the other mining districts which are called nobler, ought to be a matter of careful consideration in the memory and judgment of the most worsh. Estates of the Realm, and that the solicitous superintendence thereof ought to he more highly enjoined on the Roy. Bergscollegium than seems to have been done in the above mentioned Instruction.

8. The copper mining districts, on the other hand, can furnish to the public yearly 8,000 skeppunds of copper which comes to from 14 to 15 tunna gold, in daler s.m., being a third part of what comes yearly from the iron mining districts for the service of the kingdom. Yet, as regards the Fahlun mining district, which is the principal work in the country and also the noblest, it ought to be cared for and its maintenance encouraged above all other works; ii only a just balance is taken into account between it and the iron mining districts.

9. Therefore it is my inoffensive humble opinion that the Roy. Bergscollegium may not, by reason of their Instruction, be called upon to make any difference, or to give special consideration in respect to the one work more than to the other because of the latter metal being called nobler, and seeming to be of a more aristocratic race and origin; but the Royal Bergscollegium ought rather to have respect to their merit and their importance for the public, that is to say, as to how far the one work is more noble than the other, even though the metal may be more ignoble. This can be better seen from an example. Thus, if a weak silver vein should be found which could yield 200 marks of silver, and if it were in the neighborhood of an iron district which produced yearly 2,000 skeppund of iron--that in such case the noble metal ought to have preference and precedence over the less noble seems the more unfortunate, since for 2,000 skeppunds of iron are offered and paid not merely 200 marks but from 14 to 1,500 marks in silver equally fine and pure.

10. From the above it can be seen that if these metals should have preference, merely in view of their being nobler, and the others should be pushed aside, as the Instruction seems desirous of giving occasion for doing.

One would he apprehensive of the charge that the public has committed a miscalculation and an error in its general economy, and so could make itself the loser of many tunna of gold, merely for the purpose of securing an eighth or sixteenth part in a metal which has a nobler name and a more glorious and aristocratic title--all of which is submitted in further humility to the riper judgment of the most worsh. Estates of the Realm. Stockholm, May [18], 1723.

Em. Swedenborg

Swedenborg's contention in this memorial is fully borne out by the facts. From 1720 on, Sweden's yield of silver and copper steadily decreased, while her yield of iron as steadily increased. In 1724, the export of iron alone brought in four-fifths of the total income from Swedish exports (Fryxell, 33:170-171).

This memorial was referred to the House of Nobles itself, where it was read on May 22nd. After the reading, Herr Bergenstierna, the senior Stockholm member in the Bergscollegium, stated that it had never been the thought of the College to give so much thought to copper and silver, as to ruin any iron work that might be useful to the public; they were concerned with that which would be of the greatest use (Rid. o. Ad. Prot. 261).

The memorial was sent by the House to the King, but no action was taken by him until two years later, when both Swedenborg memorials on this subject were presented to the Royal Council, and by that body, on August 10, 1725, were referred to the Bergscollegium. There they were received on August 23rd, and on September 1st were quietly buried among the documents of that body.

The memorial, however, did have a more immediate effect; for on May 23th, 1723, it was read in the Bergscollegium, where it evidently aroused some indignation. For the Assessors denied that there had been any discrimination between noble and ignoble metals, and in illustration of this, they cited a case in the time of Charles XII where the discoverer of a new silver vein requested the removal of neighboring iron works, but was refused until he could show that his discovery should prove itself at least equally profitable for the public and the crown as the iron works. While ever solicitous of the nobler metals, it was always without prejudice to the rights of others, and without any loss to the crown. Herr Bergenstierna undertook to make a statement to the above effect to the Mining Deputation of the Diet.

Two days after his memorial had been read in the House of Nobles, Swedenborg's attention became drawn to an entirely different matter, namely, the question of customs duties. Up to the time of Charles XII's death, the collection of customs dues had been rented out to private companies; but in 1719, the first year of the Frihets-tiden (time of freedom), the State itself collected its customs dues. Two years' experience of this resulted in widespread complaints of embezzlement, of the receiving of bribes by the customs men, and of widespread smuggling. Certainly the income for the State was very low; but this was due in part to the poverty of the country, and to the bands of smugglers who, encouraged by the disorders of the last decade, had become extremely powerful (Fryxell: 33:195).

Therefore, in the Diet of 1723, the question was raised as to whether it were better to go back to the old practice of renting out the collection of customs dues. This was discussed by the Customs Deputation sitting in joint session with the Mining and Commerce Deputations, of the former of which Swedenborg was a member. Among the reasons favoring the change were those given above. Those who opposed it, objected that a private company would enrich itself at the expense of the State.

In the meeting of the joint Deputations on MAY 24, 1723, Swedenborg delivered his vote in writing:

VOTE

Concerning the question as to whether hereafter the customs should be under the administration, or whether they should be rented out, in view of the rationes [reasons] pro and con that have been brought forward, it is my inoffensive humble opinion, that they should be let out to lessees. For my part, the principal reasons for this seem to be:

1. That the public has a definite and sure income which is needed; but without the renting out of the customs, it is not likely that an income such as it ought to receive can be obtained.

2. Although means have been discovered which can serve for the checking of smuggling, yet they cannot be carried into practice under civil servants, unless in every staple city there be appointed supreme director of the same mind as Herr Ehrenpreus.1

Thus it may be possible to accomplish it theoretically, but not practically. Meanwhile, the Crown would be in uncertainty in regard to its income.

1 Carl Didrik Ehrenpreus (1692-1760) was a Student in Upsala contemporaneously with Swedenborg, and in 1748 became the Chancellor of that body. He was with Charles XII in Timmertasche, and also in the siege of Stralsund, and evidently was a favorite with the King, for in 1718 he was appointed an assessor in the high court of appeal where he later became councillor and was highly esteemed for his exceptional judicial qualities. In this same year, the collection of customs at the seaports was leased out to a company of which Ehrenpreus was the Operating Director.* The company contracted to pay the sum of 488,700 dal. s.m. plus eighty-four per cent of all receipts above that sum. As a result, the King actually received 1,167,400 dal. s.m. When the contract expired, Ehrenpreus offered to renew it, but this was refused. The "time of freedom" had come, and the State was determined to collect its own customs. The result was a decreased income and increased smuggling.

* This is an error. Carl Didrik Ehrenpreus is the person referred to on p. 482. The man here referred to is Director Hans Ehrenpreus (1664-1740). The words (line 13b) commencing "In this," etc. apply to him.

3. That those who support the cause of the civil servants ought indirectly to be responsible to the public if the customs cannot be brought up to that sum.

4. Under leasing, business stands on a surer foot; the right business is helped, but the wrong business goes under.

Yet, on the other hand, it seems that the following points ought to be given some attention, and provision be made:

1. That the lessee may not seek his main profit from the confiscation of the goods of others merely because of objections on account of errors. This can be provided against if the Roy. Commerce Collegium take up and adjudicate such cases. Yet some of those [in the Collegium] may be shareholders therein;2 therefore in such matters beneficium appellationis [the right of appeal] should be allowed without cost.*

2 That is, in the Lessee body, or Customs Society.

* This is an error. Carl Didrik Ehrenpreus is the person referred to on p. 482. The man here referred to is Director Hans Ehrenpreus (1664-1740). The words commencing "In this," etc. in footnote #1 above, apply to him.

2. That the lessee society may not, either through their own credit or that of others, order from abroad an overabundance of goods, so that next year's customs would thereby be taken away from the public.3 This could be provided against by a reservation in the contract that the next year, or the year thereafter, the Estates of the Realm will be free to oblige the lessee to enter into a new lease, or that the arrangement be done away with altogether, as seems best to them.

3 The proposed plan was that the lessee society would contract each year to pay the Crown a specified sum. Therefore any money received above that sum would go to the society.

3. Since Overdirector Ehrenpreus4 has had the goodness to discover all that which, as he is assured, will be necessary to check smuggling, he ought in this connection to have a considerable reward, or a large part in the disposition of the matter. On this matter, his opinion ought to be taken.

4 Ehrenpreus was Overdirector of the customs.

In further discussion of this question, the majority of the joint committee finally decided to continue the customs under the civil service, and on June 26th, they so reported to the Diet (R. o. Ad. Prot. 1723, 349). On July 6th, this was finally approved by the House of Nobles by a vote of 201 to 153 (ibid. 385) The Diet of 1726, however, decided to farm out the customs, and as soon as this was done, there was both a steady increase in the crown's income and a decrease in smuggling (Fryxell 33:196).

The meeting of the Diet lasted from January to October, and during this time Swedenborg had no correspondence with his brother-in-law; for the latter, as a member of the House of the Clergy5 was in Stockholm, as also was Bishop Swedberg.

5 The Diet consisted of four Houses--Nobles, Clergy, Burghers, and Peasants.

During this Diet, and, indeed, ever since the adoption of the new constitution in 1719 and for many years after 1723, there was a constant effort on the part of King Frederick and Queen Ulrica Eleonora, to free themselves from the narrow limitations of power prescribed by the Constitution. In this they were steadily supported by the House of Peasants. Indeed, during the Diet of 1723, the King steadily courted the members of that House, and very definite movement was made for the enlarging of the King's power. This was bitterly opposed by the House of Nobles, which was the real power in the government. In the course of the Diet, papers were discovered in the possession of Abraham Dahlen, a notary in the office of the Diet, which distinctly linked him with a plot to change the Constitution. Dahlen himself was an obscure tool in the hands of others,6 but the Secret Committee of the Diet, in which members of the House of Nobles had the predominant voice, eager to frustrate every effort to enlarge the King's power, at once arrested Dahlen, and extorted from him the name of Lars Brodzenius, a secretary in the army, as a fellow conspirator; and he also was arrested.

After investigation, both men were doomed to death. The sentence was duly brought before the House of Nobles on August 12, whereupon the House changed Dahlen's punishment to life imprisonment in irons. A few days later this was modified by the other three houses to imprisonment for two years (Rid. o. Ad. Prot. 1723, pp. 52, 56, 57).

6 Malmstrm I, 383.

Another phase of the same struggle between the King and the Nobles occurred about the same time. According to the Constitution, the Diet was to nominate three men from whom the King was to choose one as a member of the Privy Council. In 1723, two vacancies were to be filled, and the Diet, in order to limit the King's choice so far as possible, nominated three men as usual, but their intention was to nominate for the second vacancy two of these same men with the addition of a third. Thus the King would have only four names from which to fill the two vacancies. The three names were duly presented to the King on August 12, but the latter turned the tables on his opponents by expressing himself so pleased with all three that he wished them all to be privy councillors--which the surprised Diet agreed to.7

7 Malmstrm I, 394.

The day after these occurrences, Swedenborg wrote to his brother-in-law, Assessor in the Bergscollegium Lars Benzelstierna, who was then engaged on a commission in the mining districts.

The letter is undated, but its date is definitely fixed by its contents, as AUGUST 13, 1723:

Highly honored d: Brother:

I am still hoping that d. Brother is in Starbo, so that this letter may reach my brother; at the last post I was uncertain, nor was there anything special to write about. The most notable thing that has happened since, is what took place yesterday, namely:

1. That Daleen's doom was so far mitigated by the House of Nobles that during his lifetime he must remain in Marstrand,1 with a crown and neck-iron; on the crown shall be the inscription: A traitor to his country; and in all the towns through which he passes, he must stand exposed to public view. It is not yet known how the other Houses will express themselves on the matter.2

Bronenius'3 punishment was confirmed in totum and in tutum.4

1 A strong fortress on the Skaggerrak, a few miles above Gothenburg It was used as a prison for political criminals.

2 The three other Houses of the Diet were unanimous in still further mitigating the punishment, by confining it to life imprisonment. Dahlen was finally released in 1726 (Fryxell 31:69).

3 Brodzenius.

4 It was confirmed by the House of Nobles, a large number of whose members were army men; but the other Houses changed the punishment to life imprisonment (Malmstrm, 1:383).

2. For privy councillors, Landmarshall5 Lagerberg, Count Gyllenborg and Josias Cederhielm were nominated, and when the list of nominees was presented to his Majesty, he expressed himself as wishing to keep all three as members of the Council, and when this was reported in a full session, it received unanimous assent--on which matter there is now much discussion.

5 The Landmarshall was the elected head of the House of Nobles, and was virtually the head of the whole government.

3. Yesterday also, the list of appointments was read, and this likewise caused talk and conversation.

4. Today was about caracters hmmande (putting a stop to the assumption of false titles)6 etc.

6 The reference is to the practice indulged in by some civil servants and military officers of assuming a higher title (caracter) than they were entitled to. On August 12 Landmarshall Lagerberg announced in the House of Nobles that the Secret Committee had been ordered by the Diet to draw up an ordinance for checking (hmmamde) this practice. Such an ordinance became law on Sept. 20 (see Sv. Rid. o. Ad. Riks. Prot. 1723:III, 3).

I should like to hear from my Brother as to how things are in Starbo, and what the conditions are, for he must let me know what is the condition of the works, but only one or two details. My most obedient greeting to sister,7 wherewith I remain

highly honored Brother's
[Stockholm, Aug. 13 obedient servant
1723] [Eman. Swedenborg]

7 Hedwig.

The year 1723 was a year of great activity for Swedenborg as a member of the House of Nobles, and he wrote a number of memorials on mining and on foreign trade designed to contribute to the improvement of Sweden in the developing of her manufactures, particularly of steel (which, at this time, was made in Liege and other foreign cities from Swedish ore, and then imported into Sweden), and thereby to give Sweden a strong position in foreign trade.

But now that lie was received by the Bergscollegium, his main duties were connected with that body.

A petition was addressed to the College by Colonel de Wallair, a Swiss metallurgist, asking for the privilege of instituting the manufacture of steel in Sweden, by a new process which he had invented, whereby there was no loss of weight due to scoriae and refuse. This petition was discussed September 16, 1723, at a joint meeting of the Bergscollegium and the Commerce Collegium, at which, of course, Swedenborg was present. Colonel de Wallair appeared before the Committee, and he was promised a copy of the proposed privilege, that he might study it with the aid of a Swedish interpreter.

Swedenborg evidently did not favor the giving of such a valuable privilege to a foreigner, if the work could be done as well, or even better, by a native Swede. Later, in the same day, therefore, he addressed a letter to the Bergscollegium, dated SEPTEMBER 16, 1723:

The High wellborn Herr Count and

President; and the
Wellborn and highly Esteemed Herrar Councillors and

Assessors:

Since Colonel Herr Wallair requests the privilege of a new establishment in Sweden, for the making of steel, and I, during my sojourning abroad have acquired from Viennel knowledge of a process whereby steel can be made as excellent as one can wish, and can be made ever better and harder, if only a longer time is used in the process, and at a lower price than if the usual method is used; therefore, in order to reserve the right to set up this work and test it, I wish now, before the privileges for Colonel Herr Wallaire come out, to put into the hands of your Excellency Herr President, a copy of this process, and humbly request an extract from the minutes hereon. I remain, with deep reverence,

Your Countship Excellency's

And

the Most Worshipful Collegium's

most humble servant,

Emanuel Swedenborg
Stockholm, Sept 16,
1723

1 A province of France where there were many iron works. The city of Vienne was famous for its sword blades. The process Swedenborg here refers to is probably that described in his De Ferro, p. 208.

The Bergscollegium appears to have taken no notice of this letter, and nothing further is known of the matter, save that Colonel Wallair received the privilege for which he petitioned, and which, indeed, seems to have been promised him at the meeting of September 16th. It would seem that Swedenborg wrote Benzelius about this invention, for the latter reported it to the October 31st meeting of the Bokwetts Gille.

Swedenborg had worked continuously even throughout the summer months, both in the Bergscollegium and as a member of the House of Nobles. The Diet adjourned in the middle of October, and Swedenborg's thoughts at once turned to the necessity of attending to his private affairs. He therefore applied to the Bergscollegium for a leave of absence which would enable him, not only to visit his smelting properties, but also to spend the Christmas holidays with his father at Brunsbo. His letter of application is dated Stockholm, OCTOBER 29, 1723:

High Wellborn Herr Count and

President; and
Wellborn Herrar Councillors and Assessors:

Since, during the Diet now ended, and ever since the beginning of the year, I have been obliged continually to remain here in the city, and have thereby in various respects neglected my own affairs; for this reason, it is my humble prayer to your Countship's Excellency and the Most Worshipful Royal Collegium, that it will please your Countship's Excellency and the Most Worshipful Royal Collegium, to grant me permission to journey herefrom, and for some time to look after my little property in the country. In the hope of a gracious consent, I remain

Your Countship Excellency's and

the Most Worshipful Royal Collegium's

most humble servant

Em. Swedenborg
Stockholm, Oct. 29
1723

The consent was given, and early in November, Swedenborg left Stockholm and, after visiting his properties at Starbo and Prsthyttan, etc., proceeded to Brunsbo.

During this time, he was busily engaged in writing his promised work on the Genuine Treatment of Metals. He had published a prospectus of this work in Hamburg in July 1722, including an invitation for advance subscriptions of three Dutch Florins before the end of 1722, and three more on receipt of the work.

It was to consist of twelve hundred pages folio, and was to appear at the end of 1723. The published price would be ten Dutch Florins.1 In making this promise, Swedenborg did not foresee that his time would be fully occupied during the greater part of 1723 with business connected with the College of Mines and with the Diet--a Diet which lasted several months longer than was customary or expected.

1 See the complete Prospectus in NEW PHIL., 1929, p. 115 seq.

But now that he was granted leave of absence "for some time," he girded his loins for his great work on metallurgy. That work was to commence with a chapter on the working of copper, after which were to come chapters on silver, lead, gold, etc. So, in the fall of 1723, Swedenborg commenced his chapters on copper ore, the methods of treating it as used in Germany, Hungary, Sweden, etc.; its smelting into copper stone, etc.; drawings of the furnaces used; the testing of the copper in small quantities, showing the difference between the process used by workmen, and that proposed by the author.2 The work as far as it was written, is now lost. It was probably returned to Swedenborg (cf. p. 335), used by him in writing the published work, and then destroyed. But as he wrote it, he enclosed installments of the MS. in letters to his brother-in-law at Upsala, and the latter announced their receipt to his fellow members of the Bokwetts Gille. It is therefore from the Minutes of the Gille or Guild that we learn concerning the following three letters, all of which are lost.

2 Presumably this is the only reference to the improved process which Swedenborg had proposed to the King. It is quoted from the Prospectus referred to in the text.

Early in January 1724, Swedenborg wrote, probably from Brunsbo, to Benzelius, enclosing the first two chapters of his work on Copper, being, 1. On Copper Ore, and 2. On the Process of Smelting it into Copper as practised in Fahlun. These chapters were exhibited before the members of the Bokwetts Gille at its meeting on January 24.

On January 24, Swedenborg again wrote his brother-in-law, enclosing the continuation up to p. 28, and stating that so far as he knew, nothing of what is contained in pages 1-20 had ever before appeared in print--apparently his new process; but see p. 288. This continuation was exhibited to the Guild on February 7.

The Upsala Academy received a large part of its revenue in the shape of corn, and since it did not need all this for its own uses, it sold the rest to private buyers. During this correspondence with Benzelius, the latter had assured Swedenborg that he could obtain from the university what corn he needed for use at his iron works; and it would appear that the Academy authorities had specifically authorized the sale. But there was some delay in the delivery, and Swedenborg, when visiting his iron works on his way from Brunsbo to Stockholm, made other arrangements for his needed corn.

He arrived in Stockholm during the first week in February, and from there he sent to Upsala a third installment of his work, being pages 29-40 which included chapter 14 on the method of smelting copper used in Hungary. This was exhibited to the members of the Guild on February 14.

On his arrival in Stockholm, he received a letter from Benzelius dated February 3, informing him that the Academy would not be able to sell him ally corn, as it had disposed of its holding to a certain Hans Behm and others in Westers, at a higher price. With reference to the work on metals, Benzelius suggests that instead of beginning with copper, the opening pages of the work might deal generally with all the metals which were later to be treated of specifically.

Swedenborg remained in Stockholm only a few days, and on the tenth he left for Prsthyttan, after again obtaining leave of absence to attend to his private affairs. From here he answered Benzelius in a letter dated FEBRUARY 14, 1724, enclosing in his letter, pp. 41-60 of his work on copper:

Highly honored d: Brother:

I have had the honor to receive my Brother's letter of the third instant, and from it I am endlessly obliged that my Brother has let me know in time that no corn will be sent me from the Academy, and, as I noticed that there was some delay in this matter, and at the works here, the charcoal making, the hauling, etc., began to stop, I was compelled meanwhile to provide myself with some from another source. Of my Brother's goodness and care in this matter, I have so little doubt, that it would annoy me and give me pain if my Brother had the thought that I thought otherwise; for, what my Brother promises, that I know to be promised so far as it lies in my Brother's power; am therefore under the same obligation as if it had been done.

But truly the Academy Treasurer or Commissarier has in this matter made a blunder which no merchant would have wished to make, to wit, that they have changed what the Academy had concluded on. With many persons, should such a thing be done, their credit would likely be poor in the long run; for it would be better to deal and close with an upright and honorable merchant; will see, however, that they do not repeat the example. As regards the price at which Hans Behm in Westers and others closed with the Academy, I would have been pleased to pay it in installments, and if they hall doubts as to this, to pay it in advance. But haec transeant [let this pass].

As to what my Brother is pleased to say about my observata metallica, it would be too lengthy a matter to bring everything in, for I will probably have more on each of the metals, aurum argentum, ferrum, than on copper. But, should my Brother think it worth while, it could first be reviewed generaliter, yet in such a way that something can be inserted later. I have nothing further to remark thereon save that the processus Fhalunensis, i.e., chapter 2, be saved to come after chapter 14, i.e., after the processus Hungariensis, and this for its own special raisoner [reasons]. What I now send, and also a part of the former batch, and that on the refining smelteries, is held indeed to be arcana [things secret]; for a foreigner has difficulty in getting entrance, and in becoming in any measure informed. Yet, according to my simple thought, nothing ought to be arcanum [secret] in metallurgy, for without this knowledge, no one can advance to the investigation of nature;* still less our Swedish processes, since they cannot contribute to the information of the foreigner. I hope in time to increase this my mineral cabinet or collection, just as others add to their stones. Meanwhile, I remain, with all respect,

Highly honored d: Brother's

most obedient servant,
Presthyttan, Feb. 4,
1724 Em : Swedenborg

P.S. As to whether anything is missing, this can be seen from the pages, in which case I hope to learn concerning it; for some may be overlooked at the Post, or have disappeared.

* This was not done in the published work; there the Falun. Process is described in chapter 1, and the Hungarian in chapter 15.

The pages enclosed in the above letter, being pages 41-60, were exhibited to the members of the Guild at their meeting of February 28th.

At the end of February or the first of March, Swedenborg sent a further continuation of his work on Copper, being pages 61-73; and a week later, the end of the work, being an Appendix consisting of six pages on the copper ore found at Schilo or Rydderhyttan.3 These pages were exhibited at the meetings of the Guild of March 6th and March 13th, respectively.

3 Bokwetts Gillets Prot. 102, 103; cf. De Cupro, p. 105.

There appears to have been some discussion in Upsala as to the cause of the Aurora Borealis. Prof. Burman, who was a member of the Guild, thought that this phenomenon, which is very marked in Sweden, was due in part to the burning of sulphurous material in the lower atmosphere arising from exhalations from the earth.4 Benzelius wrote to Swedenborg on this subject in the beginning of March, and suggested the possibility of these sulphurous elements originating in volcanic eruptions. Swedenborg answered the letter about MARCH 20, 1724:

4 Acta Lit. Suec., July-Oct., 1724, p. 568.

Highly honored d: Brother:

As regards the Northern Lights--that they shall have come here from the fiery eruptions of Hecla, Vesuvius or Etna--my firm opinion is:

1. It is indeed certain that the air has been sulphurized, and impregnated with sulphur, as noticed from the many meteors, chasmata,1 etc., that have shown themselves in the sky; from the Northern Lights; from the effect of thunders; from fiery lights on high towers; from sulphurous air and from the sulphur2 which falls down with the rain, etc.; so that at one time the air was well sulphurerad [sulphurized].

1 A name given by the Ancients to Northern Lights or similar phenomena; literally, it means a hollow space, an abyss.

2 The term sulphur was used contemporaneously in a very loose sense, and included many inflammable elements which now have a distinctive name.

2. But the origin of this should, it seems, be ascribed to one or two summer's great heat without rain, or to a winter's great and dry cold.

3. One knows that in every gleba terrestri [earthly clod] there are, in summer, perpetual distillations and sublimationes the particles being now solveras [dissolved], and now bound together, now formed into certain growths, and now vegetated; so that one finds endless chemical operations in the earth, according to the weather.

4. Moreover, one knows that sulphuris sublimationes abhor all dampness, and demand certain degrees of heat. Therefore, when there have been one or two summers without rain, and previously a severe winter, it is no wonder that the particles are first solverade [dissolved], and then the most subtle sulphur sublimated and the air impregnated with it. This would not likely have happened had there been a different temperies [temperature] in the air, and had it been sufficient to bind the particles together.

5. That an Etna or a Vesuvius would be able to fill the whole air with sulphur, would be as if one said that the rain was drawn up into the air solely from the river Motala,3 when even a single rainfall call give rise to two hundred Motala waterfalls. On the other hand, the superficies from which such sulphur is sublimated, must be enormously large, that is, it must be the superficies terrestris [the surface of the earth] whereon the sun plays, and which ever exhalera [exhales] particles, and fills the air with them; for otherwise, the fiery eruption of a mountain would be nothing more, in comparison, than a brook from which the rain generas [is generated].

3 A small river in East Gottland, connecting two lakes. It runs into lake Roxen from a considerable height, and has many waterfalls.

6. On the same ground, one would be able to suppose that many more such meteors would be seen in Sweden than in any other place in the world, and especially in Fahlun, where, indeed, as much sulphur is drawn up as from Etna; where two hundred open fires are burning day and night, and where three hundred furnaces are at work. But, even so, one sees no more meteors in this region, due thereto, than in any other place.

7. The sulphur which causes meteors and which can thrive in air, is much more subtle than that which comes from an exposed fire or from an Etna. Sulphur such as has already passed through an open fire, cannot thrive for long in the air, but soon falls down again, while that which has not yet been in the fire, can thrive in water, as in the case of aqua acidularum [the water of acid springs] in air, in the sky, and then, after dry weather, can be combineras [bound together] in the air.

8. Therefore, the fiery eruptions of Etna or Vesuvius do not cause any meteors, as neither do the roastings at Fahlun. But if Etna or Vesuvius is going to burn, then, previous thereto, there is seen in the air a lot of fire, chasmata, and meteors, etc., for the subtle sulphur then exhalar [exhales] upward, but never, so far as I know, when the fiery eruption is determined on.

To me, therefore, it seems undeniable that the aerial sulphur comes from the superficie terrestri, it being therefrom that, by means of the sun aeris temperie sicca,4 a subtle sulphur of this kind is abundantly subtilized etc., etc.

4 In a dry temperature of air.

The above letter is without signature, place or date. The signature is lacking probably because there was no room for it on the paper, the last two lines being written lengthwise in the margin. The place was Prsthyttan or in that neighborhood, for Swedenborg was there legalizing the titles to those properties, the shares of which he had purchased from the members of his family. The date is clearly indicated by an entry in the Bokwetts Gille minutes of March 27, 1724, as follows: "A letter from Herr Assessor Swedenborg to Herr Dr. Benzelius was read, concerning meteors or fiery chasmata which are caused by the sulphur in the air. He holds that this sulphur comes up from the earth and does not come from any fire erupting mountain."

During Swedenborg's absence, engaged on his private business, some change occurred in the Bergscollegium which directly affected him. Assessor von Bromell had been appointed archiater or chief physician to the King, and, in consequence, resigned his position as Assessor in the Bergscollegium. This left a vacancy, and at its meetings on April 26, 1724, the College decided to assign Bromell's salary of 1,200 d. s.m. to Benzelstierna, who, up to now, had been receiving the salary of a master of mines (800 d. s.m.), and to recommend to the King that Swedenborg be raised to the rank of Assessor, and be given Benzelstierna's salary. The law required that for the office of Assessor, the College must nominate three men, but such a nomination was not thought necessary on the present occasion, probably because Swedenborg had already been assured of the office.

The King or his Counsellors, however, took a different view, and while granting the request as regards Benzelstierna, refused the granting of a salary to Swedenborg, insisting that in this case, there must be three nominations. The King's reply was written on May 22nd, a few days after Swedenborg's return to Stockholm, but for some reason or other, it did not reach the Bergscollegium until May 29th.

Swedenborg returned to Stockholm in the middle of May. During his absence in the mining district, and also after his return to Stockholm, he had continued with the writing of his proposed treatise on the Genuine Treatment of Metals, though necessarily the work was hastily done. However, he covered in first draft the parts on Sulphur, Vitriol, etc., and was continuing the work. Meanwhile, on his arrival in Stockholm, he sent to Benzelius, by the hand of Anton Swab, the parts "On Sulphurs and Salts," amounting to 167 pages.5

5 Bokwetts Gillets Prot., 107.

When he resumed attendance at the Bergscollegium, he learned that a correspondence had been going on between the Governor of Stora Kopparberg, Jonas Cedercreutz, and certain smelters who were in dispute as to rights to a certain tract of wood. The matter was one of great importance, as without woods for their supply of charcoal, the iron works could not operate. But the tract now in dispute was claimed by Swedenborg on behalf of himself and Benzelstierna as the joint owners of Prsthyttan. Accordingly, on May 23rd, he wrote to the College of mines, setting forth his claim. The letter, a copy of which is not now available, was referred by the College to Governor Cedercreutz, but what the ultimate outcome of the matter was, is not known.

Meanwhile, a few days after his arrival in Stockholm, Swedenborg had received a letter from Benzelius, inviting him to Upsala, and communicating considerable news. He informs Swedenborg that the Professor of Astronomy, Nils Celsius, had died on March 31st, and suggests that Swedenborg might like to be nominated as his Successor--an office which would bring him a salary of nearly 900 d.s.m., whereas he was now working without salary. Meanwhile, Benzelius offers to lend Swedenborg money in case of need.

He also wrote concerning the dispute then raging in the Upsala Consistory concerning the nomination or the office of Dean and First Theological Professor, caused by the death of Molin in September 1723.

A few weeks later, the Consistory had nominated for the office Professor Diurberg, who was the oldest Theological Professor. But in December, Olaf Rudbeck, who then became Rector of the University, declared that this nomination had not been legal, in that the law required that three nominees be submitted to the King. Rudbeck then himself drew up a list of nominees, naming Eric Benzelius in the first place. His action was criticized as arbitrary, yet he was supported by Gustaf Cronhjelm, the Chancellor. The result was that the Consistory was obliged to nominate three candidates. Among the names submitted for this nomination was that of Eric Benzelius, who, though he was the youngest theological professor, having been appointed in 1723, was yet universally acknowledged to be the most learned and brilliant of the theological professors, and who was ardently supported by Olof Rudbeck, his cousin by marriage. When Benzelius wrote to Swedenborg, the nominees had not yet been chosen.6

6 See Annerstedt, III, pp. 16-18.

Another item on which Benzelius informed his brother-in-law, was the fact that at last the reply to his Hydrostatic Law, written by his anonymous Leipzig critic, had appeared in the pages of the Neuer Zeitungen,7 and that it was a caustic attack on Swedenborg.

7 the Historie der Gelehrsamkeit had a fitful existence. The issue in which Swedenborg's Miscellanea Observationes was so bitterly criticized came out in December 1722, and no other issue appeared until June 1724, when the journal died. Meanwhile, Swedenborg's critic, Prof. Clodius, used the pages of the Neuer Zeitungen in its issue of March 23, 1724, to answer Swedenborg, and the answer was a bitter one. (See NEW PHIL., 1929, p. 125.)

Swedenborg answered Benzelius on MAY 26, 1724, thus before he had heard of the King's decision on the proposal that he be granted a salary:

Highly honored d: Brother:

By the last post I had the honor of my Brother's dear letter with respect to the professorship in succession to the late Celsius, for which office the Chancellor wishes to have the nomination of some clever man, whoever it might be. There are fine persons at the Academy--Magister Buhrman and, after him, Vassenius or Hasselbom.1 My affaire [occupation] has now been Geometrica, Metallica and Chymica, and it is a far cry between them and astronomica.

To abandon that with which I think to perform a good use, would be indefensible. Besides that, I have not the donum docendi [the gift of teaching], as my Brother knows, by reason of the naturella difficultate of speech.2 I hope, therefore, that the Academy does not put me in nomination, which would be, in the first place, the hindering through the Chancellor, of that which is now before the King--my receiving of a salary in the Collegio, which, by means of endeavor, I intend to receive at some time. Besides this, I no longer find my account or my lilting lies toward an academical career, even though a salary of 1,500 Riksdalers were given me,3 so that in any case it will not come about. Therefore, in case any one in the Consistory should give thought to me, a great friendship would be shown me if my Brother [saw to it] that the answer was an absolute No! but with it, an expression of thanks that they hold me worthy thereof.

1 Eric Burman (1692-1729) became Professor of Mathematics; Birger Vassenius (1687-1771) was then teaching astronomy in Upsala, see p. 163, note 6; p. 232, note 14. Nils Hasselbom (the autograph has Hasselquist, but this is an error) had been a fellow student with Vassenius both at Skara and Upsala; see p. 181, note 11.

2 Swedenborg had this impediment of speech in his old age; see 3 Doc. concerning Swedenborg, 696.

3 A Riksdaler was equal to 2 d. s.m.

I thank my Brother for the kind invitation to Upsala; would readily accept it, if on my return, I dared to at once ask leave in the Collegium to take a journey, and gave the reason therefor,4 from which they might well answer me, that I call bestow myself better. In these days, several in the Collegium are going away on a commission,5 so that the difficultet which meets me is so much greater. Meanwhile, I wish for good luck and would gladly learn the next letter, the materiam litis.6

I have a desire to see what the antagonist's harsh answer will be; for words do not move me, nor, as I promised in the printed article, will there be any answer to it, for that would be a pugna ignobilissima [a most ignoble combat]--the one with a mask, and the other without a mask. Perhaps it is some canaille, mongreska [? mongrel], etc. This I have an indication of, in that he there7 lays the greatest stress on words; for he does not seem to understand the subject, and hardly my meaning, inasmuch as he puts it forth that it is my opinion that mountains will be moved; and does not know that in Sweden great stones are found on flat ground; that many ridges in Sweden, and also mountains, consist merely of stones heaped together. In order, therefore, to please eruditos in Sweden, I will shortly draw up a clear proposition on the subject, allegare [adduce] data, experimenta drawn from hydrostaticis and hydraulicis, set forth the geometry applying to them, and so will establish a clear conclusion without mentioning the canaille who seeks the gloire of dragging one into a dispute in an ignobelt fashion. He can lose no honor by this, since he is unknown; while the other, according to him, is well known. This demonstration I will then send to Councillor of Commerce Polhem, and, after he has given his jugement, my Brother should send a copy to Wolfius8 in Halle, Julius in Leipzig, whereafter, as I opine, my Brother and others will likely be pleased with their jugement--all of which is quite sufficient.

4 Swedenborg was contemplating a visit to the iron works at Axmar, in order to look after his interests there. The journey thither would take him through Upsala.

5 It was the practise of the College to send its Assessors, during the summer months, to the different mining districts to make investigations, institute inquiries, and hear complaints, etc., and then report the results to the College for final adjudication. Swedenborg served on many such commissions, being often in company with his brother-in-law Benzelstierna.

6 The substance of the dispute. Swedenborg is referring to the renewed attack made on him in the Neuer Zeitungen, by the writer of the original attack in the Historie der Gelehrsamkeit.
7 i.e., in the original review.

8 The celebrated mathematician, physicist and philosopher, Christian von Wolff (1679-1754). Swedenborg, apparently, did not know that in November 1723, Wolff had been expelled from Halle by King Frederick William, on the ground of teaching destructive of civil order.

By Brother Anton Swab,8a I am sending my collectanea on sulphur, victriole, alumine, sale communi and vitro and acidis,9 but set up, as yet, without precise care, yet in such shape as I would have them for my own use. I beg to have them back by July at latest, as well as the earlier pages on Copper.

8a Anton Swab (1702-68) was then an auscultant in the Bergscollegium.

9 This MS. consisted of 167 pages (see Bokwetts Gillets Prot. 107).

I thank my Brother for the offer of money, but as I have already a good deal in Norrberkie10 which will not come to be used before next winter, I have no outlet for it.

It gives me pleasure that my Brother came out well in the matter, but I should like to hear at what price it was sold.11 I remain With all respect, highly honored d: Brother's

obedient servant
Stockholm, May 26 Em: Swedenborg
1724

10 Norr Brken or Berke, a mining district which contains the villages of Swedjebacken, Mamas, Starbo (Sv. Conv. Lex., s.v. Norrberke), in all which places Swedenborg owned iron works. It was in the Norrbrke court that Swedenborg had registered the various documents testifying to his purchase of his relatives' shares in these iron works.

11 This refers perhaps to a sale by Benzelius of one of his coins, of which he had an unusually fine collection, the whole of which he eventually sold. See Linden, pp. 110, 155; Forssell, p. 239.

P.S. I shall now likely have the honor of congratulating my Brother in the matter of the Diurberg Professorship.12

To the

honorable and most learned

Herr Dr. and Professor13

Ericus Benzelius, in Upsala

12 Swedenborg's hope was not realized, for though Eric Benzelius received the second largest number of votes, the Consistory refused to place his name on the list of three nominees for the office of first Theological professor and Dean of Upsala. Diurberg, the first of these nominees, was appointed in October. There was opposition to Benzelius on the part of the Theologians, probably because, while an orthodox theologian, he was inclined to be tolerant, as opposed to the narrow dogmatism ruling in Upsala (Forssell, p. 223).

13 Benzelius had been appointed Professor of Theology in April, 1723.

It was not until three days after writing the above letter, that Swedenborg learned of the King's insistence on having three nominees presented to him for the salary vacated by his brother-in-law, Lars Benzelstierna. When he heard of this he wrote to the Bergscollegium on JUNE 16, 1724:

Highly well-born Herr Count and President, and

Well-born Herrar Councillors and Assessors:

To your Countship's Excellency and the worshipful Royal Collegium, I offer a humble expression of thanks for the high favor shown me, in that your Countship's Excellency and the most worshipful Royal Collegium has been pleased to nominate me to his Royal Majesty for the salary left vacante by the preferment of Archiater1 Herr Bromell.

And, while I ask this high favor with deep respect, I request in humility that, in view of the fact that now, for eight years, I have served in the Royal Collegium as Extraordinary Assessor and without pay, on the basis of the highly blessed King Charles XII's warrant, graciously given to me; and, moreover, during that time, have made a journey to foreign mining districts, and devoted my time to that wherein I thought to be able to be of humble service to your Countship's Excellency and the most worshipful Royal Collegium, it will please your Countship's Excellency and the most worshipful Collegium, most kindly to continue still further the grace already shown me. The favor of your Countship's Excellency and the most worshipful Royal Collegium is the only thing on which I build in a matter of this nature, while I shall never neglect steadfastly to remain, with deep respect,

Your Countship Excellency's and

the most worshipful Royal Collegium's

most humble servant,

Em: Swedenborg
Stockholm, June 16
1724

1 Chief Physician.

The above letter was read in a meeting of the Bergscollegium on July 6, after Swedenborg had retired from the meeting; and, in order to comply with the royal demand, a resolution was then passed, nominating Swedenborg in the first place, and Wallerius and Ekman2 in the second and third place, to succeed to the salary left vacant by the promotion of Lars Benzelstierna.

2 Gran Wallerius (1683-1744) had served in the College from his youth. At this time he was a Master of Mines. He became Assessor in 1730. Nathaniel Olafsson Ekman (1682-1746) was also a life worker in the College. He was at this time Mining Master, and never attained any higher rank.

The day after this meeting, Swedenborg addressed the King himself in a letter dated STOCKHOLM, JULY 7, 1724:

Most Mighty ever gracious King:

To your Royal Majesty I proffer in deepest humility, the request that on this occasion, when, by the promotion to an ordinary assessorship of Archiater Herr Bromell; there is an opening in your Royal Majesty's Bergscollegium, it please your Royal Majesty to have me in gracious remembrance; for which office your Royal Majesty's Collegium has in humility nominated me.

For eight years now I have served in the said Collegium as Extraordinary Assessor, and without pay, on the basis of the highly blessed King Charles XII's warrant, graciously given to me; and also, at my own cost, have twice made journeys to foreign mining districts and devoted my whole time thereto, in order to be able to be of humble service to your Royal Majesty in such a position. But yet, on this occasion, your Royal Majesty's grace is the only thing on which I will build. I remain in deepest humility,

Your Royal Majesty's

most humble and dutiful subject

Emanuel Swedenborg
Stockholm, July 7
1724

This time Swedenborg's appeal was successful, for on July 15th, the King approved the nomination, and appointed Swedenborg a full assessor, though with a mining master's salary of 800 d.s.m., instead of the 1200 d.s.m., which was the salary of an assessor.1

1 Since the salaries of civil servants were reckoned according to the price of grain, 800 d.s.m. was equal to more than double that sum. It was also much more than the salary of a professor (Annerstedt, 5, p. 12, 13).

To understand the letter that follows, it should be noted that during the winter of 1722-23, the whole mining district had suffered from a shortage of charcoal. There was no state control over this industry, and the charcoal burners were willing to sell charcoal only to iron furnaces, since these were offering higher prices than other industries, such as the great sulphur works at Dylta in Vastmanland. The matter was discussed in the Diet of 1723, and in April of that year the House of Nobles authorized the appointment of commissions, each consisting of two members of the Bergscollegium, to visit the various mining districts, and there, with the coperation of the Governors of the respective districts to investigate the matter with the view of finding a remedy.2 Accordingly, early in June, Swedenborg received a letter (now lost) from Baron Conrad Ribbing, the Governor of the Nerike and Vermland mining district, within which was situated the highly important sulphur works at Dylta, concerning the time and place for the meeting of a commission. His answer is dated STOCKHOLM, JULY 7, 1724:

2 Sv. Rid. O. Ad. Riks. Prot. 1723, p. 188.

High well-born Herr Baron and Governor:

The high well-born Herr Baron and Governor's very friendly letter and notification of June 3d last, concerning the time and place for the Commission graciously ordered by his Royal Majesty, in regard to the privileges of the Dylta sulphur works and the complaints made by the owners of the works and the public during the past Diet, has been received, and I shall humbly make arrangements in accordance therewith. Remaining, for the rest, with all reverence,

the High well-horn Herr Baron and Governor's

humble servant,
Stockholm, July 7, Emanuel Swedenborg
1724.

Two weeks after writing the above letter, Swedenborg appears to have gone to rebro in connection with the investigation of the Dylta sulphur works.. After finishing his business there, he proceeded to Axmar via Ster and Gavle. His object in visiting Axmar was to meet his aunt Brita, to make arrangements with her as to the carrying on of the iron works. These works had been utterly destroyed by the Russians in 1721,3 and were not rebuilt until I724. In May of that year, Brita Behm and Swedenborg had completed their arrangements by which they became four-fifths and one-fifth owners of Axmar, and, with some state help, they at once set about the rebuilding of the furnace, etc. It was in connection with the rebuilding of this furnace that Swedenborg now made his visit, and on this occasion he contributed 2,000 d.k.m. as his share of the expense of rebuilding. There was some hard feeling between his manager and his aunt's, and he and his aunt had finally agreed that the Axmar property, with its houses, meadows, etc., should be divided into five parts, she to have the management of her four-fifths and Swedenborg of his one-fifth.

3 Malmstrm I:321.

From Axmar, on AUGUST 2, he wrote the following business letter to a Mr. Hedendahl, apparently a commission agent in iron:

Herr Hedendahl:

Owing to haste, I was not able this time to go from Ster to Hedemora, and so did not get to settle in that place my indebtedness to Herr Hedendahl. It is therefore my respectful request that it please Herr Hedendahl to send the account to me at Stockholm, where I will at once make arrangements for payment, which I would have done earlier, if Herr Hedendahl had been pleased to send the same to me according to promise.

God willing, I will arrive in Stockholm in fourteen days, but will remain there no longer than till September I, when I intend to go on a commission to rebro. I am paying for the carriage and brokerage fee on 147 skeppunds 25-1/2 lispunds1 of iron; but the remainder, which was sent from Herr Tersteen, the latter's son will make payment for, because his d. father on his son's account sent that which was the remainder of the 200 sk. for which I paid him two years ago.

1 A lispund was equal to 18 lbs. 12 oz.; and 26 lispunds made 1 skeppund. 147 skeppunds 25-1/2 lps., would, therefore, equal a little over 32 long tons.

Be so kind as to let me know the total amount which comes to Herr Hedendahl from Ternsteen Jr., last year and this; i.e., how much during the year 1723, and also this year, comes from Ternsteen Sr; that is, all that is over and above 147 Sk, 25-1/2 lispunds; for Ternsteen Jr. was to have sent me 200 sk. nett. Whether it is less than this, or more, I do not know. Until I receive enlightenment from Herr Hedendahl, I cannot make any sure accounting with Ternsteen Sr. I shall await it finally in Stockholm, Werr Hedendahl thereby doing me a good service.

I remain, for the rest, with all satisfaction,

Herr Hedendahl's

most obliging Servant

Emanuel Swedenborg2
Axmar, Aug. 2
1724

2 The original of this letter is lost, but a copy was found in the Stockholm Town Hall by Mr. F. H. Lindh, who published the Swedish text in his Nya Kyrkans Tidning, 1917, p. 104.

On his way from Axmar to Stockholm, Swedenborg stopped over at Upsala for a few days' visit with his brother-in-law Eric Benzelius. Here he had an opportunity of reading the sharp criticism of his Hydrostatic Law, which had appeared in the Neuer Zeitungen, and, at a meeting of the Bokwetts Gille on Aug. 14 (the only meeting of that Society which he ever attended), he promised to write an answer for the Acta Literaria Sueciae.3 This, however, he never did.

3 Bokwetts Gillets Prot. 108.

One thing at this meeting had particular interest for Swedenborg, namely, a letter to Benzelius from Jacob Jurin, the Secretary of the Royal Philosophical Society of London, thanking Dr. Benzelius "for our institution of barometric observations," and requesting a continuation of these observations, together with other matters of scientific interest, and that they be communicated to the London Society regularly.4

In private conversation with Benzelius, Swedenborg also learned that the latter had received a letter from Sir Hans Sloane, the President of the Royal Society, suggesting that the Bokwetts Gille establish a scientific correspondence with the English Society. This was of special interest for Swedenborg, since he saw in it the possibility of having his own name more widely known in the learned world. Indeed in his talks with his brother-in-law, he suggested that the latter mention him when writing to Sir Hans Sloane, with a view to his corresponding with the members of the Royal Society on the subject of metallurgy.

4 Bokwetts Gillets Prot. 109. Benzelius, desirous that the Bokwetts Gille should have some contact with learned societies in foreign lands, had communicated to the Royal Philosophical Society, certain meteorological observations made by Prof. Quensell in Lund and E. Burman in Upsala (Hildebrand, K. V. A. Frhistoria, 106-7).

On his arrival in Stockholm, about August 16th, Swedenborg had the pleasure of meeting some old friends--Pastor Nordberg, who had returned from London, where Swedenborg had met him in 1710 when he was Assistant Pastor to the Swedish church there; his cousin Andreas Hesselius,5 who had returned from a twelve years service as Pastor of the Swedish churches in Delaware and Pennsylvania, and who had acquired a rich store of information respecting the flora and fauna of the land, and also respecting the manners and customs of the Indians; and, finally, his own brother, Lieutenant Jesper Swedenborg, who also had recently returned from America where he had been teaching for the past ten years.

5 A brother of Dr. John Hesselius, Swedenborg's companion on his journey to Holland in 1721. Their mother, Maria Bergia, was a sister of Bishop Swedberg's second wife.

At the Bergscollegium, Swedenborg met the famous French metallurgist, mathematician and physicist, Ren Reamur,6 whose Recently published work on the Art of Refining Steel (L' Art de convertir le Fer, Paris 1722), had brought him much fame.

Here also, Swedenborg learned that a letter, presumably from the Governor of Nerike and Vermland, Baron Ribbing, had been forwarded to him at Gvle, which, however, he had not received. He therefore at once wrote to the Baron, in a letter dated STOCKHOLM, AUG. 18, 1724:

6 Since 1710, Ren A. F. de Reaumur (1683-1757) had been the head of a commission appointed by the French Government to prepare an official description of the useful arts and sciences, and it was probably in this connection that he now visited the Swedish Bergscollegium. As a result of his investigations, many more manufactures were instituted in France, and old industries revived.

High well-born Herr Baron and

Governor:

When I arrived in the city a few days ago, Secretary Coiling1 told me that he had sent me at Gefle a letter, enclosed in one to Mining Master Belander,2 and which he thought was from the High Herr Baron and Governor. And since I have not yet received this letter, and it is doubtful whether it will be returned here from Gefle within fourteen days, because the Mining Master to whom it was addressed is on a Commission in Helsingland, therefore duty demands that I inform the High well-born Herr Governor thereof, humbly begging that, if any command was given me in the said letter, it will please the High well-born Herr Governor to repeat his orders before I betake myself on the journey from here in consequence of the High well-born Herr Governor's notification concerning time and place, which was graciously communicated to me earlier.

1 Olof Colling, Sr. (1677-1742) was Secretary of the Bergscollegium.

2 Torbern Bellander (1688-1740). He had been appointed Mining Master for Uppland in 1723.

If the High well-born Herr Governor has not already engaged any protocollist3 for the commission, I venture to nominate an auscultant named Tunberg4 who has sometimes taken the minutes in the Royal Bergscollegium, and thereby has had experience and has also given proof of ability.

At present he is at Phillipstad, and one could ordrera [command] him through mining Master Ekman5 of that city, in case the High well-born Herr Governor is pleased to recommend him for the position. I remain in all else with deep respect, 

the High well-born Herr Baron and

Governor's
Stockholm, Aug. 18, humble servant,
1724 Emanuel Swedenborg

3 A secretary for taking minutes of the meetings.

4 Anders Olofson Thunberg (1697-1758) He had graduated from Upsala in 1722, and the next year became an auscultant in the Bergscollegium, where he finally became an Assessor:

5 Nathaniel Olofsson Ekman (1682-1746) was also the Burgomaster of Filipstad. See p. 337 note.

Having thus attended to his business correspondence, Swedenborg now writes to his brother-in-law, to thank him for the entertainment at Upsala. His letter is dated STOCKHOLM, AUG. 20, 1724:

Highly Honored d: Brother:

For the last pleasant company and cheer, I express most dutiful thanks. The journey hitherward to Stockholm went well, and on my arrival I met my brother Jesper, Magister Nordberg from London, and Magister Andreas Hesselius from Pensilvania. Magister Hesselius is now pastor in Ster. While he was in Pensylvania he was very cureus [inquisitive], and gave an accurate description of the land, but had the misfortune, that this, together with his other things, got under water and was blotted out.l Yet he will refresh his memory as best he can, and again put it on paper.

1 This refers only to his MSS., which were spoiled by water during a storm at sea (Jacobsson, 10; 1 Doc. 339). Subsequently, Hesselius rewrote his Diary. This writing is now lost, but a copy of it is preserved in the Royal Library in Stockholm. This Copy was edited by Nils Jacobsson and published under the title Andreas Hesselii Anmrkningar om Amerika 1711-1724, Upsala and Stockholm, 1938. In this publication, a page of the fragment referred to on page 34 above is reproduced on page 45. His collection of curiosities, or, at least, part of it, was finally deposited in the Museum of Upsala University.

Reaumur, who wrote on Steel in France, has come here. The work is in the Collegium, and, so far as I have glanced through it, it is very fine and curieus. Yet I have no more time left, except to put myself in condition and prepare myself again to go to rebro. When I come back, I will always take for myself some set time every day which I will use for some useful things in literariis.

If my brother answers Dr. Sloan in England, perhaps he could also mention that of which we spoke. In metallicis I will gladly carry on a correspondence with any one who printed it at his own cost; for to print anything further at my own cost, would be to lose as much as formerly; nor will I give my time afterwards to debitera exemplaren [keeping account of the money due for copies sold].

My most dutiful greeting is given to Sister Anna and also to Brother Eric, remaining

highly honored d. Brother's

most dutiful servant

Em. Swedenborg
Stockholm, Aug. 20
1724
To the highly honored and highly learned

the Herr Professor and Doctor

Eric Benzelius

in Upsala.

Benzelius answered the above letter on August 25th. His autograph letter is lost, but a portion of it is included in the Bergius Collection of letters previously referred to, p. 288 note.

. . . I am pleased at Brother Jesper's arrival at Stockholm, together with his good companions, and hope to get to see them here, which would be a great pleasure to me. I shall write to Herr Dr. Sloane in London as soon as I get the observation on the state of the barometer in the Sahlherg mine,1 whither young Celsius2 is going today for this sole purpose.3 Dr Martin4 has gone to the Roslag islands to make his ichtyological observations.

1 The great silver mine at Sala or Salberg, in Vastmanland.

2 Anders Celsius (1701-1744), the son of Prof. Nils Celsius. He was a brilliant mathematical student in Upsala. He had lately been engaged by the Bokwetts Gille as its amanuensis.

3 Celsius gave the result of his investigations in the last number of the Acta Literaria Sueciae for 1724.

4 Peter Martin (+ 1727) adjunct professor of medicine in Upsala.

Thanks for what is promised for the adornment of the Acta Literaria, and I remain,

my highly honored d. Brother's

most faithful servant and brother,

Eric Benzelius
Upsala
Aug. 25, 1724

The answer to Swedenborg's letter of August 18th proposing Andreas O. Thunberg as Protocollist to the rebro Commission, suggested Eric Esberg for that post, but with Thunberg as substitute in case Esberg were not available. Swedenborg wrote to the Baron immediately on the receipt of this letter, namely, on AUGUST 28:

High well-born Herr Baron and
Governor:

Because Vice Notary Herr Eric Esberg is at present keeping the minutes for the Commission which is being conducted by Herr Assessors Lyell and Benzelstierna. and for this reason cannot be available before the end of September; therefore, in consequence of Herr Bohm's and Herr Holmer's letter of the 26th inst., I have requested the Auscultant Herr Andreas Tunberg, by a letter to Phillipstad, to be in rebro at the time set by the high well-born Herr Governor. If the letter reaches him, I have no doubt but that he will be there and will industriously apply himself to the business so as to please the High well-born Herr Governor. I remain, with deep respect,

the High well-born Baron and

Governor's

most obedient servant,

Emanuel Swedenborg
Stockholm, Aug. 28
1724

In the beginning of September, Swedenborg duly went to rebro to preside over the Commission of Inquiry. From here he wrote to his manager in Axmar, John Lindbohm, giving him authority to represent him ill the division of the property into fifths, which had already been agreed upon. His letter is dated REBRO, SEPTEMBER 12:

Herr Inspector,

Since Midlaelmas will soon be here,1 and since, that of the works which is mine, is to be separated from that which belongs to the Fru Professorska,2 and the peasant debts, etc., are to be taken in, therefore, for this purpose, I authorize the inspector, Herr Lindbom, who shall receive all this*; and in case ally dispute shall come up, he will inform me. rebro. Sept. 12, 1724.

Emanuel Swedenborg.3

1 Michaelmas (Sept. 29) was the time agreed on by Swedenborg and his aunt Brita, for the division of the property at Axmar.

2 Brita Behm had married Johan Schwede, an Upsala Professor, and therefore, according to Swedish custom, was entitled to the name Fru Professorska. (Mrs. Professor).

* The occasion of Swedenborg's writing to Lindbohm was that he had received a letter from the latter informing his that Aunt Brita was then visiting in Axmar. She had only recently come into possession of 4/5 of the Axmar property.

3 This, and the other letters relating to the Axmar works, are translated from attested copies which were included in the documents submitted to the Bergscollegium in the legal dispute that developed between Brita Behm and Emanuel Swedenborg.

Swedenborg evidently anticipated that his aunt's insistence making a physical separation of their shares in the Axmar properties, would result in trouble when the smelting in the newly built furnace was commenced. Nor was it long before he learned that his anticipations were not unfounded, the information coming to him from his Axmar Inspector in a letter dated Nov. 1, 1724:

... For the rest, I must now tell how that the Fru Professorska through her servant Wahlstrom,l has informed me, as formerly she informed well-born Major Schönström in Stockholm,2 that she will by no means make a smelting in the furnace at Axmar, with the well-born Assessor, although everyday I have as good materials3 as she, and my ore is all ready to roast. For this reason, and since this is utterly opposed to the mining ordinances and to all customs, that she would thereby come to shut us off from the furnace for our one-fifth portion, when we have just as good materials as she, and are not able to heat it up for our own fifth portion without the greatest part of the charcoal being lost, therefore I humbly beg that the well-born Herr Assessor be most kindly pleased to prevail upon the Bergscollegium that the Herr Mining Master [Bellander] may be commanded to assist me in this matter, so that I may smelt my prepared materials in proportion, since I do not refuse to contribute to the heating accordingly. Otherwise both charcoal and other materials must lie fruitless, and be wasted away. For me, this is very urgent, that I may obtain pig iron for forging.

1 Wahlstrm was Brita Behm's Axmar manager or inspector.

2 Before Swedenborg had bought out his fellow heirs, Lindbohm was Schönström's inspector at Axmar.

3 i.e., ore and charcoal.

On receipt of this letter, Swedenborg at once took the matter up with his Aunt Brita; and since she had gone to Axmar, he addressed a letter to her there, dated STOCKHOLM, Nov. 3, 1724:

Well-born Fru Professorska,

Highly honored Fru Moster1

1 i.e., Mother's sister.

Two days ago I arrived here in Stockholm from Commission service in rebro, learning on my arrival that Fru Aunt is sow in Axmar. I regret that I had not the pleasure of conferring orally with Fru Moster before her departure, and this I had also hoped for, had not the Commission, against all expectation, continued so long.

I am writing today to Monsieur Lindbohm, that he accommodate himself to the following: 1. That the meadows be divided into five parts, and lots be cast on them. 2. That the division of the Gren farm be made according to the lots already cast. 3. That the bonded peasants be divided and allotted in the same way. 4. That he retain the one peasant's lower room according to the arrangement. 5. As regards the Axmar Work's own farm and house-room,2 Fru Aunt will likely be so kind as to leave this, until I have the honor to have verbal conference thereon. 6. Fru Aunt will please be so kind as to promote to the best advantage, the receiving by Inspector Lindbohm of my store3 from Madam Bergsklint,4 of which I will have the less doubt, since, during my last visit there, I advanced her 2,000 d. in cash for the building and stocking of the furnace. I hope that all will come to a good conclusion and end before Fru Moster leaves Axmar; and should anything be opposed by Herr Lindbohm, so Fru Moster will be so good as to dispute no further in the matter, but to make a note of it, when, on Fru Moster's arrival, we can probably come to an agreement with respect to it, for I have always perceived that Fru Moster never intenderar aught but what is just and reasonable.

2 This refers to the rooms in the main house at Axmar. Both Lindbohm and Wahlstrm lived in this house.

3 Presumably, store of ore and charcoal.

4 The widow of the former master of mines, Johan Bergklind, who resided in Axmar and who had died there in June, 1723. He was succeeded by Torbern Bellander.

I remain with all reverence

highly honored Fru Moster's

most dutiful servant,

Emanuel Swedenborg
Stockholm, Nov. 3

1724

Despite Swedenborg's hopes for a peaceful settlement of the Axmar dispute, it was not long before he felt under the necessity of bringing the matter up to the Bergscollegium which, of course, had jurisdiction of such mining matters. This he did in a letter dated STOCKHOLM, NOV. 9, 1724, enclosing Lindbohm's letter to him of November 1:

High well-born Herr Count and

President, and
Well-born Herrar Councillors and Assessors:

I am called upon most humbly to relate to your Countship's Excellency, and the most wor. Roy. Collegium, how that Fru Professorska Brita Behm's servant at the Axmar Works, named Wahlstrm, on behalf of his principal, as it is said, will refuse to let Mons. Lindbohm, who is in charge of my fifth part at the same works, smelt conjunctim [jointly] in the furnace lately built by us, and this, without doubt, with the intention that I, to my great injury and loss in charcoal and pig iron, might later make a separate smelting, or be caused delay therewith, as can be gathered from the enclosed copy of the said Lindbohm's letter.

Now, since I have charcoal at hand, the roasted ore is prepared, and the materials lie all ready; and since there should not nor can be any dispute thereon, nor of my right of ownership of the fifth part, or, in respect to the furnace itself, that, for my part, I have over- and not under-contributed to its building;1 therefore I am constrained most humbly to bring to the notice of your Countship's Excellency and the most wor. Roy Collegium, the servant Wahlstrm's unreasonable behavior in this matter. And since such behavior is contrary to the manifold regulations made time after time by the most wor. Roy. Collegium in the mining districts, and also contrary to the custom received in all places where there are smelteries and shareholders; and actually against the interests of this same Fru his principal as well as against mine, which are bound up with hers; for if the one interested party, at his own caprice and from a wilfulness opposed to reason itself, will not tolerate any work jointly with the other, but will smelt only separately and for himself, the furnace must be heated up many times, and, in consequence, thereof, charcoal be burned up uselessly, and the woods belonging to the works be destroyed without due results; besides the lessening in the production of iron in proportion to the quantity of charcoal. Therefore may it please Your Countship's Excellency and the most wor. Roy Collegium, most graciously to order the Herr Mining Master of the place to assist my servant in this matter when the latter shall be arraigned before him, to the end that the above-mentioned Wahlstrm may be informed as to the advantage obtained by a coperative working, and, if he has no previous knowledge thereof, how that smelteries ought to be worked after the manner of mines, and also that he do not by caprice and any self-will, injure the woods, the operations, and the plant.

For me, this matter is so much the more urgent since everything is ready at hand for the work, and the smelting will likely commence soon. I therefore most humbly request that it please your High Countship's Excellency and the most wor. Roy. Collegium to communicate this to the aforesaid Wahlstrm, and most graciously to command him to delay his purpose of making a separate smelting until the Roy. Collegium has most graciously come to a resolution in this matter.

1 Swedenborg's contribution to this building was 2,000 dalers, while Brita Behm, owner of four-fifths, contributed only 8,000 dalers.

I remain, with deep reverence,

Your Countship Excellency's and

the most wor. Roy. Collegium's
Stockholm, Nov. 9, most humble servant,
1724.

Emanuel Swedenborg

On this same day, November ninth, the College of Mines--Swedenborg absenting himself--after reading the above letter, resolved that it be referred to Bellander, the Mine Master at Axmar (who had succeeded Bergklind) with instructions to secure an explanation from Wahlstrm, and to communicate the same to the College; and that, meanwhile, Swedenborg was not to be refused the joint smelting which he demanded.

A little later in November or early in December, Brita Behm, answering Swedenborg's letter of November third, invited him to accept ten points, concluding with something in the nature of a threat in case of non-acceptance. On December 12th, he wrote accepting most of the points, but not all. Thus he held that the proposition that he should divide with her some stores which he had with certain peasants, and which had no connection with the Axmar works, concerned things irrelevant to the matter at issue. He also advanced, for consideration, eleven points, dealing with the division of the stable yard buildings, the large grain barn, the cellars, etc., leaving them for the most part in accordance with his aunt's plan; see p. 375. In answer, he received a letter from his aunt which, he says later, contained "expressions which I had not expected from so just a lady."2

2 The contents of the letters mentioned in this paragraph are gathered from Swedenborg's letter to the College of Mines, dated January 9, 1725. The letters themselves have not come to light.

At the end of November, Bishop Swedberg seems to have written to his son, enclosing two Government Assurance Notes3 which he requested him to cash; for on DECEMBER 2, Emanuel wrote to the Treasury Office of the Diet:

3 Confer Swedenborg's Proposal for the reduction of tokens, on p. 206.

Most Humble Memorial

Enclosed are two bills of General Loan Assurances, the one for 781-4 dal. s.mt. In current coin, and the other for 618-3/4 dal. s.mt. In Carolins.1 Stockholm, Dec. 2, 1724. Em. Swedenborg

1 The riksdaler = 2 dal. s.m.; the Carolin = 25 re s.mt.

718.24

569.8

1288.00

Rundstyken2 386.12, Dec. 3.

2 The rundstycke was a small copper coin = 4 re K.mt.

It would appear that payment was refused in the absence of an authorization by Bishop Swedberg; for the Bishop wrote an authorization, dated Brunsbo, Dec. 3, 1724, authorizing Swedenborg to receive "the loan to the crown and the payment for the tokens" in accordance with the decree of the Diet.

The money was then paid on DECEMBER 14, for on the back of Swedenborg's original letter, is written, not by Swedenborg but signed by him:

The original Obligation of No. 620 and 866, together with the assignation for payment given thereon, I have taken out on my father's behalf, and it is receipted Stockholm, Dec. 14, 1724.

Em. Swedenborg

Swedenborg's letter of November ninth to the Bergscollegium had been duly sent by that body to the Mining Master at Axmar, and toward the end of December a reply was received from him, enclosing Wahlstrm's defence, in the form of a letter addressed to the College of Mines. In this letter, Wahlstrm states that he has acted merely according to the instructions of his principal; and he expresses surprise that Swedenborg does not take up the matter with Fru Behm direct, inasmuch as she is living in Stockholm Since Swedenborg makes his complaint as principal, "although it is his servant Lindbohm who has furnished the cause," he presumes that his principal will be allowed herself to explain that which was done in pursuance of her orders.

"That from my whole heart I have desired and with prayers have requested that I may be spared from having anything in common with the Herr Assessor's servant, at the works here, this I do not deny. I am daily confirmed in the same thought." But since the reasons for this are well known to his principal, he leaves it to her to answer the Herr Assessor's complaint.

Wahlstrm's letter was read to the College on December 22nd, and was at once referred to Swedenborg for reply. The latter lost no time in writing this reply, and on December 24th, he presented it to the College in the form of a letter dated STOCKHOLM, DECEMBER 23, 1724:

High Well-born Herr Count and

President, and
Well-born Herrar Councillors and Assessors:

On December 22d, the bookkeeper, well trusted Fetter Wahlstrm, came in to your Countship's Excellency and the most wor. Roy. Collegium with an explanation as to the complaint brought against him, because he had told my servant Lindbolm that he would not smelt conjunctim with him in the Axmar furnace. For this, he gives the excuse that he had ordres therefor, from his principal, Well-born Fru Brita Behm, which he, as a servant, must follow; and he thinks, therefore, that it lies with the aforementioned Fru, and not himself, to give answer in this matter. That such was the Fru Professorska's command and intention--this I have not been able to give credit to, because it is wholly opposed to justice. I am therefore constrained most humbly to request of your Countship's Excellency and the most wor. Roy. Collegium, that it please your Countship's Excellency and the most wor. R. Collegium to communicate to the well-born Fru Professorska the letter of complaint against Wahlstrm, previously handed in by me, and most graciously to request her explanation, so that it may come out what has given rise to such an unrighteous proposal. But since the smelting is now likely to be soon going on, and it may come to pass, against all justice, and directly opposed to the most wor. Roy. Collegium's Resolution and the ordres given out by the Mining Master in obedient consequence thereof, that, before the explanation of this matter can come in, and a conclusion he arrived at in the Roy. Collegium, Bookkeeper Wahlstrm will yet give orders to smelt alone in the furnace;

therefore, if such should be the case, I herewith reserve for myself, to the utmost of my power, all reconvention1 and compensation for the ore and charcoal which I would lose in case of a separate smelting being set up, and also for the loss at the forge consequent thereon; especially since, if this should be done now, it would be in contempt of what the Roy. Collegium has been pleased to resolve upon.

I remain, with the deepest respect,

Your Countship Excellency's and

the most wor. Roy. Collegium's

most humble servant,
Stockholm, Dec. 23. Emanuel Swedenborg.
1724

1 The right of an unjustly accused person to bring action against his accuser.

Swedenborg's request was granted by the Bergscollegium, and his letter of November 9th was sent to Brita Behm, who was ordered to deliver to the College her reply, both to this and also to Wahlstrm's letter. She handed in her answer on January 9th, 1725.

She says therein that, though desirous of avoiding every cause of dispute, she yet had been able to count on little else in Axmar, ever since she had had anything in common with Swedenborg.

On the basis of his servant's letter of November 1st (which, however, being uncertified, ought never to have been handed in), Swedenborg complains that she has refused Lindbohm a joint smelting; but she must wonder "why the Herr Assessor, neither from Lindbohm's letter and still less from Lt. Col. Fetter Schönström, who has been living at the works all this autumn and has heard the connected chain of circumstances in this matter, both on my side and on Herr Lindbohm's, has not wished to learn the causes of this dispute, and the scruples which I have had against making a common smelting with him [Lindbohm], especially since I can give assurance that at no time, when I talked of the matter with him, have I omitted to represent the causes, nor was silent as to the plan I had, that the Herr Assessor might, to the greatest possible degree, be without injury."

Although in his letter of November 3d, he had asked her not to enter into any dispute with Lindbohm, promising that, on her return to Stockholm, he would give her all reasonable satisfaction, yet "so little did he show the effect of his promise" that he did not once inquire as to the cause of the dispute, although, during the whole time, they were both in Stockholm, and although she had "not neglected to remind him of his late promise in regard to other similar unsettled points."

In his conscience, Swedenborg knows that his servant Lindbohm is a man with whom no one will have anything to do; a man who makes trouble even in matters of small importance. "I have proof of this from a long time back, and I had to experience the same thing continually during the time when I was last there, and also how that he knocked down my servant, all but in my own room, and had not Lt. Col. Fetter Schönström, who had been his principal, safely locked him up in his own room, and away from all conversation with us,... we would never have arrived at so good and quick a settlement as we did...."

"When the men of the place and the Crown servants can enjoy no peace in the execution of their work, because of him, but must listen to abusive words ... and threats to strike down and murder; when, even the day of the Sabbath and feast days, and church grounds cannot restrain him from disorder and violence, it is evident what my servants at the furnace and the works have daily to expect from him." In confirmation, she adduces the fact that recently in the local court, he had been separately fined for disturbance on the church premises, for attacking the tax collector, and for sneering accusations. If she seeks to avoid such a man, and leaves him all reasonable advantages separately and for himself alone, is she doing any one injustice? especially since her servants threaten to leave if they have to work with him, protesting that any day they expect nothing less than murder, and that no blessing can come from God so long as they work in his company.

Not only does Swedenborg provide no remedy, but he avails himself of his servant's amazing disposition, and gives him authority and instructions whereby he has freer reins to act as he pleases, not as a servant but as a master, and to make everything a matter of dispute, whether it be against his principal's order or not. And when he does this, one receives from his principal no other counsel than "that one should not contradict him, but should leave the matter to another time and place, the clear meaning being, to the Assessor's reasonable and swift conclusion and decision."

And when, in all good faith, she relied on this, she found the effect to be that ever since Michaelmas, the Assessor and his servant Lindbohm, "instead of one-fifth of the Works, are in possession of the advantages of three-fifths of the Works, shutting my servant out from what belongs to me, under the pretext that the division is not yet decided upon."

It devolves on the Assessor to specify what Royal Ordinances expressly forbid her insisting upon a separate smelting; and if such Ordinances do exist, they presuppose that one is working with honorable persons such as Lindbohm is not. The Schönströms and she had found no difficulty in separate smelting at other Works where the former possessed a sixth interest.

She has given the Assessor's servant the choice of either the first or the second smelting; and should a separate smelting be too costly for him, she has offered to contribute four-fifths of the cost of heating the furnace when he smelted, provided he would contribute one-fifth of the heating cost of her smelting; he could even smelt for a longer time than his one-fifth share allows. If the Assessor thinks he is being injured, it is for him to suggest better arrangement, and this would readily be agreed to provided only he work separately to avoid disturbances.

Fru Behm enclosed in her letter twelve folio pages of Court Records, in support of her assertions as to Lindbohm's disorderly conduct.

Swedenborg's answer to the above was presented in the form of a Memorial, submitted to the Bergscollegium "in place of a conference," and dated JAN. 13, 1725:

Humble Memorial

Loco Conferentis

From the Professorska, well-born Fru Brita Behm's lengthy explanation, humbly handed in to the Roy: Collegium, concerning the smelting and the use of the furnace at Axmar, his Countship's Excellency and the most wor: Roy: Collegium will most graciously gather as to how far answer is given therein, as regards the matter itself, or the main subject. A complete description of the servant Lindbohm is there given; the Fru also troubles herself to mix in something that concerns my conduite [conduct]; and all that suspicion could make available to her, this I see the lady has been pleased to seize hold of with her pen. But what has Lindbohm's personal character to do in this matter?

For what purpose are there so many circumlocutions, digressions, and stories about wholly alien matters, when it is smelting alone that is in question? No one who has any understanding can suppose that a case is won by the fact that the person blameras [is blamed]. In itself such a course is unseemly and is a manier [procedure] that is already banished from the honorable world. One well sees what is white, even though another makes some black strokes by its side. A judge does not walk on all the sidepaths whither he is meant to be led by a party to a suit. Sometimes the judge is wont to regard this as a crime against the legal procedure, and imposes therefor a fine of ten dalar s.m. in accordance with paragraph:4 of the 1695 Order of Legal Procedure.

How would it help my case if I reciprocated the unjustifiable charges there made? as, for example, if in this Memorial, wherein the talk should be concerning smelting, I should bring it out how that last summer all the good propositions with respect to the division, which I set up at the lady's request and counsel, for the preserving of good harmony in Axmar, were disapproved--but as to how that came about, this another may know better than I. My letters could show that I have ever sought, and still seek, unity, which letters the Fru will please be so kind as to exhibit according to her promise. A letter containing ten points, together with some threat at the end, was sent me, to which I answered in writing and agreed with almost everything that was requested. But it seems that, because, with all possible politeness, I submitted one or two points to the Fru's ripe judgment, I was met with suspicion and unfriendliness. If I now assented to all the points without reservation, and added more thereto, I should have come into friendship. But, in place of my polite answer, a letter comes back with expressions which I had not expected from so just a lady. If I do trot answer any single point, it is at once thought that there is something underneath; to wit, if the lady insists on dividing with me the stores which I have with the peasants in Moo and Srsta Parishes, three to five miles1 from Axmar, and which do not in any way belong to the Works, and, as said, I do not answer this point, it is at once thought that I am taking an improper advantage because of my fifth part, which is what is spoken of in the letter.

If I answer and refuse this, it would at once be represented that I do not wish union. But outside this, I have much reason to praise the Fru Professorska who in all things is read and willing to do what is just and to contribute to union: but!

1 i.e., about nineteen to thirty English miles.

As regards the servant Lindbohm, if he stands on the rights of his principal, then, in the other servant's mind it is not right. The said Lindbohm is a man of sixty years, of good understanding, experienced in mining work from childhood, a bookkeeper of excellent capacity in the management of furnaces and forges: somewhat hasty, indeed, against those who wish to do him injustice; has been for a long time with Herr Assessor Schönström,2 and managed all his work to the late Assessor's satisfaction; was with the lady herself at Longwind3 for a good round time, and, according to her own utterance, kept correct accounts; has managed one-sixth part in Longwind and three-fifths in Axmar for the Herrar Schönströms,4 and now manages with the one-half of Longwind in common with the same lady's servant in common Wahlstrm. And for the first time, he is denounced. Had he been a simple man and given way in everything, he would have been praised. If he does any injustice in connection with my one-fifth, then accuse him; for this there will indeed be a penalty; yet there shall be no change in that wherein he is right.

2 Peter Swedberg (ennobled Schönström), the older brother of Jesper Swedberg. He was Swedenborg's uncle on both sides, having married the older sister of Swedenborg's mother, by whose inheritance he came into possession of part of the Axmar Works. He became an assessor in the College of Mines in 1691, and died in 1692.

3 Lgvind, a great iron works situated on the Gulf of Bothnia, some thirty-five miles north of Axmar. It was owned by the Behm family, and passed by inheritance to Brita Behm and her nephews, Peter and Albrecht Schönström, the sons of Peter Schönström the elder.

4 i.e., Peter and Albrecht, the sons of Peter Schönström, Sr.

But all this which I have now brought forward merely as an example, what does it have to do with the main subject itself? Can I possibly think that my right to the smelting can thereby be justificeras [justified]? Therefore I will leave such matters, especially since I have made this digression for no other purpose than to enable me to get hold of him who in his letter has gone so far afield, and to lead him by the hand back to the thing itself and the chief matter.

Now, as concerns the thing itself, the Fru Professorska wishes that I exhibit an Ordinance that the work should be done conjointly. For this there are innumerable praejudicia [precedents], likewise measures taken by the Collegium, which should be correctives to us, as well as Ordinances. But why should an ordinance be made on that which sound reason dictates? Shall the law say expressly that one must smelt conjointly, when yet, such smelting is to the advantage of the one party and the other? for in the opposite case, one loses a large part of his material. But here is the difference, that where the lady loses one portion I lose four. This ought to stand for its own reasons. Shall the law command that one shall not throw his pig iron into the sea, or burn up his charcoal for some vain purpose? If the understanding is clear and unpolluted, it knows this of itself. This I now procurerar [bring forward] not only for my own benefit, but equally for the lady's; I hope that the other side understands this. Has a private individual at a work, leave to handle its oeconomien as he lists? A Collegium is indeed ordained which has oversight of such matters, and in cases like the present, it is the authority and will afford a check that the general good he not injured by bad private management, and also that in such case rein and bridle be laid on self-will.

In the mining district, where there are from twenty to thirty shareholders in a foundry and many of them much at odds, there has yet never been to my knowledge any complaint about the shareholding and the division. Such firm rules are observed there, that the one cannot say that he has lost to the other a piece of charcoal or a single malmsten.5 There are a hundred cases where they have offered to he co-workers, but, as yet, ever since the milling ordinances came out, not a single case can likely be brought up where one refused a joint smelting; and should I speak of such a thing to a mining man, he would hold it as the most unreasonable thing he has heard in all his days.

5 i.e., lumps resulting from the first smelting.

Now, since I note that the method and rules at a joint undertaking are unknown, I feel called upon to put them down for the servant's instruction:

1. A lot is cast, as to who shall smelt first or last; he on whom the lot falls, smelts first or last.

2. In the first twelve days6 when the furnace must be heated up, charcoal and ore are put in by both parties, in proportion to each one's share in the furnace. If the lady puts in four layers7 of charcoal and ore, then I put in one, and this is continued until the furnace is heated up, and all is augmented as it should be, which usually goes on for twelve days. 3. While these twelve days of joint work are continuing, all the pig iron coming therefrom is divided. The lady receives four parts, I get one. 4. After this is done, the one who got the lot to smelt first, does the first smelting, and this so long as his charcoal or his ore lasts. 5. When the charcoal is finished, then the other puts in eleven to twelve layers, according to the size of the furnace, or as he needs, and meanwhile the one who made the first smelting, gets the runnings of that which results during this time. 6. Then the other comes in and smelts his store, so that the one cannot be said to have anything in common with the other.

6 Meaning, a day of twenty-four hours.

7 opsttning. This word is defined by Swedenborg in his De Ferro (p. 34), where he describes the filling (opsttning) of the furnace, after its preliminary heating, with alternate layers of ore and charcoal.

But the Fru Professorska imagines that everything is done when she offers the servant--which, however, has hitherto been without my knowledge, perhaps it was done after my humble supplique had been communicated to her--the choice to smelt either first or last; if last, that in that case I contribute one part of charcoal for the clay smelting,8 while the lady contributes four parts. Is not this a joint smelting? indeed, the only thing that is joint consists in this: The lady offers me to smelt later, being willing to contribute four parts of charcoal for the heating up. If the lady then claims that the resulting pig iron that runs off shall be divided in the same proportion, then it is a joint smelting; everything in a smelting that can be called joint consists in this; for each smelts for himself, and the one comes in when the other finishes. But why should they make two heatings for this? why two joint smeltings? One joint smelting is rejected, but two are proposed and approved.

The last proposition, the Fru Professorska is pleased to make, namely, that she contribute four parts of charcoal when the furnace is being heated up for me, and I contribute a fifth part of charcoal when the heating up is done at the clay smelting, I receive with all respect and thanks. I desire only that the lady will please set out distinctly all the circumstances pertaining thereto and then, for my part, consent will follow. Stockholm, Jan. 13, 1725

humblest servant,

Em. Swedenborg.

8 Leerblsning, literally claysmelting,--I see no other way of translating it. It refers to the preliminary heating of the furnace to assure its being thoroughly dry before the ore is put in (see De Ferro, p. 30).

Swedenborg's letter was duly referred to Brita Behm for reply, and in a few days the latter handed in to the College her answer, dated Stockholm, Jan. 19, 1725.

She commences by saying that Swedenborg's reasoning in his so-called Memorial loco Conferentiae, was so singular that she could not avoid considering it more closely, in order that the College might see at a glance how far Swedenborg's method of dealing with the dispute, "departs from every comprehensible method." Perhaps they might then understand how that "her conferences with him must necessarily prove fruitless."

After reciting her charges against Lindbohm, and the proofs she had submitted, she continues that, forseeing that the objection might be made that the Assessor knew nothing of this, she feels compelled to say that "he not only knew of it, but also availed himself of Lindbohm's amazing disposition to do me injury in every way." As an instance, she cites the fact that the division is still undetermined, "whereby I am shut out, even today, from what belongs to me."9

9 Fru Behm is here referring to the house near the Axmar Works. Lindbohm occupied three rooms of this house, Wahlstrm using the other rooms. But Swedenborg's one-fifth share entitled Lindbohm to no more than two rooms and a portion of a third. See p. 375.

The Assessor does not deny anything of this directly, but breaks out in a remarkable way, saying that to describe Lindbohm's character is beside the point. "What has Lindbohm to do with this, he says. He calls it circumlocution, digressions, useless stories; explains it as being unseemly, and a thing already banished from the honorable world, to blame a person; says such conduct N.B. is wont to be considered by a judge with a fine of 10 d. s.mt.

He is also especially annoyed at my daring to bring in something concerning the Herr Assessor's own conduite [conduct]."

She had almost concluded to avoid any further speed with the Assessor, and to submit the matter to the speedy decision of a righteous judge, who would likely discover how such reasoning was to be regarded; but, "recognizing the plan, and exactly the same procedure that the Herr Assessor used last summer against both me and any one else who took upon himself to argue any point with the Assessor concerning my affairs," she cannot forbear from setting the matter under closer consideration. She wonders how far back she should go to get Swedenborg to hold that to be permissible which he now calls "forgetful of honor." He "ought first to be convinced that law and right are intended to direct men and their conduct;... that the proper office of a judge consists, moreover, in holding ungovernable people in check . . . and that, for this reason it is by no means criminal, or opposed to honorableness to seek help from a judge against self-willed and intractable men." If one enters a complaint against another, he must use reason and proof, and must tell of that other's actions in the case--what Swedenborg calls "descriptions, personal characters, the blaming of persons"; and one would thus "have to waste the whole summer with preliminaries before getting the Herr Assessor to answer Yes or No, to the matter in question." One must proceed by a shorter way, and represent to the Assessor that if it is forgetful of honor to concern oneself with another--which he calls making black strokes by the side of white, how then does he himself stand who, in his letter of complaint, was the first to accuse Wahlstrm "of unreasonable behavior, of wilfulness opposed to sound reason, of caprice, etc., and also later accuses me of an unjust offer? Is not this blaming people?" She does not wish the Assessor such ill as he wishes her, but his insinuation of a 10 daler fine because she spoke of Lindbohm and offered to prove her assertions, while the Assessor spoke against her servant without proof, this she prays the College not to permit and also to keep in mind.

The impression which the Assessor has wished to give concerning her second proposal was that she had scornfully rejected a reasonable and courteous offer.

For this reason, if for no other, she wishes the whole matter to be more closely examined under a judge, and she is confident as to the result.

From "the Assessor's manifold digressions, as he admits them to be," she gathers that he was unable to mention any Royal Ordinance forbidding separate smeltings. His contention centers around: 1. An appeal to a sound understanding, which he "somewhat cavalierement" deduces from self-interest and profit. 2. The obligation one has that his goods he not destroyed. 3. The custom in mining districts. 1. As to the first, if the rules of the understanding are established on self-interest, it devolves on each individual to say where his interest lies. If the Assessor set up rules of the understanding for her, she would ask, by what authority he did so. She is the one to judge as to her own interests, and in this case they lay in being delivered from the disturbances of her neighbor. 2. Her offer to expend charcoal for the Assessor's private use, was an exception to the rule as to destroying one's goods. One may be permitted to lose goods and money for the sake of peace of mind, and to choose the least of two evils. 3. The furnaces in the mining districts are conditioned quite differently from smelteries.

She notes that the Assessor did not contradict her statements as to Lindbohm's brawlings, except when "he asserts--in explanation of the District Court's judgment (which, however, shows something else)--that his servant Lindbohm is only hasty against those who do him injustice." But, at the same time, the Assessor gives her a new proof of Lindhohm's shameless ability to tie people up in a legal process; for though she had expressly told Lindbohm that he could smelt first or last, and that she would contribute four-fifths of the charcoal for the clay smelting, etc., yet in his letter to his principal, he was silent as to this, so that he might lead the Assessor to begin suit as he did. "Still, in my explanation, I noted that his letter of November first, ought all the more to have been exhibited. I supposed that perhaps the condition would he found included in it."

As regards Swedenborg's final request, she repeats her offer to contribute four-fifths of the charcoal for the heating of the furnace whenever Lindbohm smelts, provided this is reciprocated by a contribution of one-fifth when she smelts. Further, "to improve the Assessors's conditions, he shall be allowed to smelt as long as he will, and so long as he has material therefor, although no more than one-fifth of the annual time belongs to him."

Her servant, "who has several times been in a had way because of Lindbohm, asks time and again to be separated from him, and he offers to take the cost of the charcoal on his own charges and account as a tenant, for which reason I can do no other than support him in his request, and also insist on the same thing because of my own private views on peace and rest. If this offer is so wholly contrary to the unpolluted, clean and sound understanding, as the Herr Assessor says in his Memorial, then it is to be wondered at that Lindbohm, who is noted by the Herr Assessor to be of good understanding, and experience in mining work from childhood (though the Herr Assessor here forgets to think of the great difference between being skilfull in a science and being upright in mind and reasonable in mode of living)--that the same Lindbohm, on behalf of the Herrar Schanstrom, his Principals, has already set up a separate smelting at Lngwind, and is recognized as practical," of which also the Herr Assessor can obtain the other small circumstance here briefly alluded to; "for I do not venture to detain the High Roy: Bergscollegium with a circumstantial description of the smelting, such as the Herr Assessor did concerning the furnace work in the mining districts."

Finally, she cannot but wonder that Swedenborg, himself an official having in charge the King's interest in matters of judgment, has, contrary to the Ordinance in the case, submitted to the Bergscollegium the three arks of his Memorial, with only one ark stamped with the 2 ore s.m. stamp: "with which reminder, I have no other object than to induce the Herr Assessor to weigh more closely what he says and answers and does before a judgment seat, and this, both in respect for the judge, and in reasonable deference to his opponent."

The case was considered by the College on February first, Swedenborg, of course, retiring from the meeting. The decision there reached was, that while it would be better for the parties to have a joint smelting, yet, because of the enmity between their servants, Fru Behm's project might prove best, namely, that each party smelt separately, but leave the furnace heated for the other.

Rosenadler, representing Fru Behm, and Swedenborg were then called in and the proposition put before them. Rosenadler consented, especially since Fru Behm's servant was willing to bear the cost which the plan would entail, if only it relieved him of working with Swedenborg's servant.

Swedenborg also agreed. It was then understood that the parties would draw up a written agreement between themselves.

Swedenborg later submitted the following draft:

PROJECT

1. While the furnace is being heated, which is done within the first ten to twelve days, Wahlstrm shall put in four-fifths part of the charcoal and four-fifths part of the ore; Lindbohm, one-fifth part of the charcoal and one-fifth part of the ore; all the iron that comes out during these days to be divided in the same proportion, Wahlstrm to take four-fifths, and Lindbohm, one- fifth.

2. When these ten to twelve days are past, lots to he cast as to which shall blast first. The one obtaining the first lot, to blast so long as he has ore and charcoal. When this is finished, and while the blasting is still going on, the other comes in and does in like manner.

3. In order that the one may do the other no injury, for instance, that the one who blasts first may not leave the furnace in bad condition for the one who follows, so that the latter's work may miscarry, Lindbohm shall always undertake to blast last.

But, on the other hand, if the Fru's servant is the cause of the furnace being in bad condition, or if this is the result of some improper blasting of the ore, or of some other like cause; and also if the water fails, Wahlstrm shall not be able to escape compensating for the resultant damage.

4. When the furnace is set up, each one shall defray the cost thereof in the same proportion, to wit, Wahlstrm four-fifths, Lindbohm one-fifth.

This Project was sent to Fru Behm, accompanied by a letter (not now available), pointing out the loss which site would suffer if separate smeltings were to be made commencing with a cold furnace. At its end she made the note "To this Project, which is the very opposite of all I have asked for, I cannot give myself."

The Project drawn up on Fru Behm's behalf, stipulated that during the time when the furnace is being heated, the parties shall contribute respectively four-fifths and one-fifth of the charcoal, Wahlstrm to blast as soon as the heating is completed.

When he has finished, he shall leave the furnace cold for Lindbohm, but shall contribute four-fifths charcoal while it is being heated again. Each party shall furnish his own ore, and, except for the first eleven days, his own charcoal; and he is to have sole possession of the iron produced. Each shall bear all costs of his own blasting, and shall leave the furnace clean and in good condition for his successor.

Each party shall continue his blasting while his material lasts, irrespective of his four-fifths or one-fifth share. But he must always have enough charcoal to contribute to the heating up of the furnace for his successor, under pain of paying compensation therefor.

This Project was submitted to Swedenborg, who appended to it the following note:

This copy left me by Councillor of Chancery Rosenadler is not at all in accordance with my project; for I showed therein what loss the Fru Professorska would have to expect from its being carried out; and yet, despite this, the Herr Councillor of Chancery*, on behalf of his mother-in-law, has wholly approved it, and has written "consented to" on the draft. I, therefore, humbly request that my draft be called for.

E. S.

* The Censor had the rank of Councillor of Chancery.

The request made in the last sentence indicates that the two plans had been submitted to the College of Mines. Moreover, Wahlstrm, to whom Swedenborg's plan had been submitted, sent a letter to the College, dated February 14, in which he totally objects to the plan, as being "as unreasonable as anything in the world can be," and as entailing great injury to his principal. What he wished was that each should begin his blasting with a cold furnace. And on the Project itself he wrote: "To this project, which is just the opposite of all I have requested, I cannot consent."

The matter, therefore, came again before the College, and at its meeting on February 25th, when Swedenborg was present, Rosenadler was called in, and asked whether the two parties could not follow a precedent of 1705, when a four-fifths owner of a furnace blasted for four years, and then left the furnace heated for the one-fifth owner to use during the fifth year. Rosenadler stated that he would be contented with whatever the College decided on, but, as for the proposed arrangement, it had this inconvenience, that at the end of the filth year, his mother-in-law might not be quite ready to take over the blasting.

The case was finally settled by the College at its meeting of March first. Assessor Swedenborg, as an interested party, and Assessor Benzelstierna as his brother-in-law, retired during the discussion of the case. The former was then called, and in answer to a question, stated that he was willing to abide by the 1705 precedent if his own project was not accepted.

The College then resolved on its decree, which it served on both parties, and which was binding on both. The decree set forth that "although in the mining districts, it is the general custom that shareholders in a furnace or forge" assemble their materials in proportion to their holdings, and work them jointly, each holder then receiving his due proportion of the results, by which arrangement, "double cost in the setting up of the work and the heating of the furnace, besides many inconveniences" was avoided; and since there was so much complaint against Lindbohm, and Assessor Swedenborg had agreed to a separate smelting; therefore, "under these circumstances," the College ordered that Brita Behm shall have the first four smeltings, shall use her own materials, and shall leave the furnace all heated and ready for the fifth smelting which was to be done by Swedenborg, he likewise to use his own materials and also to leave the furnace heated up to be used by Brita Behm. As to Lindbohm and Wahlstrm, the College subjected them to a fine of 100 d. s.m., "if, in the carrying on of the work, either offers insult to the other by word or deed."

Meanwhile Swedenborg, among his duties in the College of Mines, had been assigned the task of examining and reporting on the machine models invented by Polhem, which for years had been lying neglected in a room of the building occupied by the College of Mines, where they had long been deteriorating owing to neglect and exposure to the weather (pp. 70, 71). It is not improbable that the investigation was suggested by Swedenborg himself, for in addition to his interest in all kinds of machines, he had a special interest in Polhem's old models. Even as early as September 1714, when writing from Restock concerning his own inventions, he speaks of his "great desire" to return to Sweden and make drawings of Polhem's inventions, and give detailed descriptions of them.

And on his first visit to Stockholm in the autumn of 1715, he had made it a point to visit the room in Mynt Torget, where many models of those inventions were stored, and where, to his dismay, he found them in a delapidated condition. "In six or ten years (he wrote, in a letter of December 1715), they will be useful only for the fire."

Almost ten years had elapsed before Swedenborg once more entered upon an examination of these models. Then he had hoped, by his private efforts, to save them from utter ruin (see p. 75) Now he is acting in an official capacity, and has under him two young apprentices of the College of Mines, appointed for the purpose of assisting him. His report includes a recommendation that the work of repairing be undertaken by the College, which would require the expenditure of money. For this reason, he sends it as a MEMORIAL. It is dated FEBRUARY 14, 1725:

HUMBLE MEMORIAL

In humble pursuance of his Excellency's and the most Wor. Roy. Collegium's most gracious command, I have inspected and examined the machines belonging to the Roy. Collegium, and for that purpose, have associated with me the Auscultants, Herrar Bergenstierna and Faggot,l and together with them, have looked into their present condition, and observed what has got out of order and, so far as possible, have had it set right. But, since on this occasion it was found that some parts of the above-mentioned models, in part, have disappeared, and, in part, are falling to pieces due to the length of time they have stood there, the question is submitted to his Excellency and the most Wor. Roy. Collegium, as to whether some of the funds belonging to the Mechanical Laboratory might be appropriated and used for the mending of these same models. I ought indeed to enclose herewith a specification of what is lacking in the models, and what seems to be required for their repair; but since all the small parts could not be noted, or a price set upon them beforehand, until the workmen have finished the work, it seems unquestionable that, for a beginning, 50 d.s.mt would be enough, for which money I will give an account after the work is finished, and verify the whole with receipts;

it being necessary, not only to have these models mended, and some small parts thereof made anew, but also to procure tools wherewith when the occasion arises, one can put them in proper order and keep them in shape without depending on any workman or causing any new expense. In addition to this, the windows are in sad condition, so that snow comes in in winter, and rain in summer, whereby the models become alternately damp and dry, and by such changes are ruined. Therefore it is humbly submitted as to whether they also may be repaired from the same funds. Stockholm, 14 Feb. 1725

EMANUEL SWEDENBORG

1 Daniel Bergenstierna (1706-73) was the son of the senior Assessor with whom Swedenborg was frequently associated on summer commissions. He became Assessor in 1760. J. J. Faggot (1699-1777) left the College of Mines in 1726 and turned to surveying.

The request was granted by the College, and Swedenborg himself was appointed to superintend the work.

On the same date as the above Memorial, Swedenborg made use of the opportunity thus afforded him to petition the College to appropriate money for the purchase of an air pump. His Memorial was dated FEBRUARY 14, 1725:

HUMBLE MEMORIAL

How necessarily his Excellency and the most Wor. Roy. Collegium have bestowed care on having at hand models of machines which serve a use in mining operations, can be sufficiently gathered from the money which his Royal Majesty has expended on a Mechanical Laboratory, and from the great care which his Excellency and the most Wor. Roy. Collegium has always been pleased to manifest in maintaining such a useful work. This gives me occasion humbly to submit to his Excellency and the most Wor. Roy. Collegium, the question as to whether his Excellency and the most Wor. Roy. Collegium would be pleased to have an antlia pneumatica [air pump] purchased with the funds belonging to the Mechanical Laboratory, and imported and installed among the other machines; which, it would seem, is so much the more useful since by such an antlia pneumatica can be exhibited many hundreds of experiments which concern air, fire and water, and one would thereby gain experience in much that pertains to physiquen [physics]; there being, indeed, among the Roy. Collegium's machines some invented by Counsellor of Commerce Polhem, whereby one can see the power and effects of water in various downfalls, and also the ratio in the falling and rising of pendulums and bullets; besides other machines serviceable for making tests in physicis.

And since mechanics and physics are so closely related that the one cannot do without the other; still less can the one be brought to perfection without the assistance of the other; therefore, his Excellency and the most Wor. Roy. Collegium will perhaps find it necessary to permit the procuring of a machine of this kind, whereby one can see most of those experiments which concern water, air, and fire. An antlia pneumatica should also give luster to all the other machines in the aforementioned room, which have been procured at such great cost. If his Excellency and the most Wor. Roy. Collegium be pleased to give their gracious approval hereto, it would be best to have it bought in England where the very best are made by a man named Hawksbee;1 and if arrangements be made now in winter, one can expect it here next spring or summer. According to a calculation which I will submit at another time, this antlia, with all its appurtenances, will probably come at the highest to 1,000 dalars k. mt; supposing that his Excellency and the most Wor. Roy. Collegium will themselves find pleasure in the new tests which will be set up therewith. Stockholm, 14 Feb., 1725.

Emanuel Swedenborg

1 Francis Hauksbee (1687-1763) was a maker of air pumps, telescopes, etc., in Crane Court, Fleet Street, London. He was renowned for the accuracy of his instruments. During his stay in London, Swedenborg had met Hauksbee, and had procured from him a printed description of his air pumps. See p. 28.

This Memorial was read by the College on February 16, when it was pointed out that there was not a single air pump in Sweden. It was therefore decided to find out what funds were available for the purchase recommended by Swedenborg On the next day, February 17, the necessary information having been obtained, 1,000 d. k.mt. were assigned from the funds of the Mechanical Laboratory, and placed at Swedenborg's disposal for the purchase in question.

Swedenborg penned still another Memorial, and this also was inspired by his examination of the models in the College of Mines. This Memorial also was dated FEBRUARY 14, 1725:

HUMBLE MEMORIAL

In a separate room inside the vestibule of the Archives of the Royal Collegium, there is said to be a model of a hoisting machine which was invented by Counsellor of Commerce Polhem. Since the said model is standing so shut in that it cannot be exhibited to serve any use or give pleasure, I therefore humbly submit to his Excellency and the most Wor. Roy. Collegium, the question as to whether this model cannot be moved into the room where stand the other models, and in its place be set the great Mons. Duhre'sl machine, so that the models can be together and one can have the opportunity of looking after them in case one of them get out of order, which should be mended in time; submitting to the good pleasure of his Excellency and the most Wor. Roy. Collegium, with the same humility the question as to whether his Excellency and the most Wor. Roy. Collegium would be pleased to request the Roy. Kammar Collegium, that this same room with the outer kitchen might be given up to the claims of new machines. Stockholm, 14, Feb., 1725.

Emanuel Swedenborg

1 Anders Gabriel Duhre (1680-1739) was a stipendiary in mechanics of the College of Mines. He had been a fellow student with Swedenborg in Upsala, where he was a devoted pupil of the elder Elfvius, Professor of Mathematics. In 1723, he was given charge of the Royal farm in Ultun, near Upsala. Here his great mechanical genius led him to the invention of many machines for use in farming (Hildebrand, K. V. S. Frrhist, 180). It was probably one of these inventions that is referred to in the text.

This Memorial also was considered on February 16, and it was resolved to postpone the matter till the room in question could be opened.

Shortly after he had been authorized to purchase an air pump in London, Swedenborg received a letter from his brother Jesper, who had returned from America one year previously, which, as it happened, provided him with an opportunity of more easily effecting the purchase. Swedenborg had previously written twice to his brother, and had received a letter in reply, but neither the letters nor their contents are extant. Jesper's present letter was sent from Brunsbo and was dated FEBRUARY 26, 1725:

Highly honored D. Brother:

By the last post I had the honor to answer my highly honored d. Brother's two agreeable letters, in which I forgot some urgent matters, which I now think to call to my Brother's attention. 1. The first is concerning my cash riksdalers1 which d. Brother was pleased to send to mine Herr Myra, who is the chaplain in St. Maria Church in Stockholm. He has received a royal warrant on Floby.2

1 Probably in connection with Swedenborg's purchase from Jesper, of his one-seventh share in Starbo, for which Swedenborg paid him 4,571. See F. G Lindh's Swedenborg's Ekonomi in Nya Krykans Tidning, Nov. Dec. 1928, p. 114.

2 That is, a warrant to become Pastor in Floby--situated some thirteen miles south of Skara where was Bishop Swedberg's seat. Peter Myra (1682-1729) was a fellow student with Swedenborg at Upsala. He became pastor of Floby church in 1725.

2. For the second thing, What does d. Brother think of my going again to America, or not. I have indeed a mind thereto, but in such matters good counsel is often necessary. Some counsel me in favor of it, but some against it; most counsel me against it.3

3 Jesper returned to Sweden early in 1724. At the end of that year, he thought of going back to America with Pastor Tranberg whom Bishop Swedberg had appointed over the Swedish churches in Racoon and Pennsneck (J. Swedenborg's Preface to Then Sidst Basun fwer Tyskland). Tranberg sailed in September, 1726. It seems that Jesper did go to America, for on March 6, 1725, he secured a passport for that purpose. But he cannot have stayed there long, for in February, 1727, he married and settled down on an estate in West Gttland. (See p. 431, note I.)

3. If I should go, that d. Brother take my monies here and procure me exchange on London through Herr Consul Alstrm or any one whom d. Brother thinks best. Of such matters and the like, we can further counsel, if so be it that I take the journey. Today Herr Alstrm4 was here, and went off to Stockholm; has a very strong desire to talk with d. Brother.

He eagerly hopes that d. Brother goes with him to London, and then he will show d. Brother much that would be very pleasing and good for the Fatherland. He has done great things here in Alingss; had such machines made that the like of them is not to be found in the whole of Europe. Either he will become a very rich man or a very poor. He travels around half the world to inspect machines and inventions.

4 Jonas Alstrm (1685-1761) was but three years older than Swedenborg. He was a man inspired by love of his country, and with far-reaching plans for its industrial development. Born in poverty at Alingss, a small village some twenty miles northwest of Gothenburg, after some years of ill-paid work in Sweden, Alstrm, in 1707, went to London where he soon became a successful business man, and acquired a moderate fortune. Swedenborg was in London 1710-13, and undoubtedly often met Alstrm. In 1722, Alstrm was made Swedish Consul in London. His life in London, where he saw how great was the export trade with Sweden in textile goods, inspired him with the desire to establish a textile industry in Sweden. For this purpose, he traveled in France, the Netherlands, and Germany, purchasing machinery, and procuring skilled workmen for his projected establishment. These arrived in Sweden in November 1723, and preliminary arrangements were made for the establishment of a manufactory in Alingss, Alstrm remaining in Holland, procuring more machinery and workmen. In June 1724, he received Royal privileges for the Alingss establishment, including the grant of religious freedom for his workmen and their families; and in October of the same year, the work of weaving was commenced in earnest. For this purpose Alstrm imported goats from Morocco, and sheep from England and Spain, and even established a company for the breeding of sheep. Working thus with raw materials raised in Sweden itself, the work prospered and became eventually the basis of a large textile industry in Sweden. Alstrm also introduced the cultivation of potatoes and tobacco. In 1739 he was one of the Founders of the Swedish Academy of Sciences, of which Swedenborg was one of the earliest members; and in 1751 he was ennobled, when he took the name Alströmer. He died in 1761, not only a rich man, but one who was honored for his contributions to Swedish prosperity and for his encouragement of learning. He was always a friend of the Swedenborg family, and when, in 1769-71, Swedenborg's doctrines were so bitterly attacked by the Gothenburg Consistory, his sons, Claes and Patrick, expressed strong disapproval of the persecution.

Let me know, d. Brother, what judgment the false King Charles XII has received, and whether it is true or not that the Emperor in Moscow has died.5

If there is any other news in Stockholm, will d. Brother let me know. Greetings to Brother Benzelstierna and Sister Hedevig,

I remain steadfastly

highly honored d. Brother's

Obedient servant
Brunsbo, 26 Feb., 1725 Jesper Swedenborg

5 Peter the Great of Russia died in January 1725. "The false king refers to a Finn named Benjamin Dnster. After some sojourn in Stockholm in the summer of 1723, where he vainly tried to get a pension from the King on the grounds that he was an officer in the army and had escaped from Russia, he betook himself to Upsala. There he gave himself out to be King Charles XII, claiming that the King had never left Turkey, but had sent one of his drabants to represent him, and that it was this drabant who had been shot at Frederickshall. He was arrested in December, 1724, and sent to Stockholm, where in the same month he was examined by a commission. During the Christmas holidays rumor of his claim and arrest were widely spread in Dalecarlia by returning students, it being doubtless these rumors that Jesper had heard. After several hearings the Stockholm commission on February 19 adjudged Dnster to be mad, and the next day, after public exposure at the gallows, he was sent to a madhouse, where he died in 1730." (Bring, Benjamin Dnster).

Swedenborg met Alstrm in Stockholm, and through him negotiated the purchase of the air pump from Hauksbee. The business was conducted through Alstrm's daughter Mary, who had been left in charge of the Alstrm office in London. On March 19, she wrote him that the air pump had been ordered and would be shipped in due course. Early in May, he received the bill of lading from London, dated April 20 and stating that the air pump had been "shipped by the grace of God in good order." The bill for the pump was also received. This bill Swedenborg paid to Jonas Alstrm on May 13, out of the funds appropriated by the College of Mines.

But when the air pump arrived in Stockholm, there came difficulties with the Customhouse, which refused to release the pump until some considerable sum for duty and other charges had been paid. Swedenborg was indignant that such an impediment should be placed to the importation, by a branch of the Government, of an instrument for the advancement of science. Therefore, refusing to pay the customs charges, he addressed to the College of Mines a Memorial dated MAY 27, 1725:

HUMBLE MEMORIAL

Since the Antlia Pneumatica ordered for the most Wor. Roy. Collegium has now arrived from London by a Captain named Antony Bayley, and according to information I received from the Customs, there must now he paid for customs, licence, town dues, and other charges, about 300 dalar kopp.mt;

for since there is no mention of an antlia pneumatica among the imported wares set forth or mentioned in the customs tariff, therefore, in accordance with the regulation, twelve per cent must be paid with free, and eighteen per cent with unfree ships;1 therefore all this is submitted in humility, as to whether his Excellency and the most Wor. Roy. Collegium would not find it needful most humbly to petition his Roy. Majesty, that the said antlia might be relieved of this same customs toll and the other charges that go therewith, seeing that it is ordered for the Roy. Collegium, and to supply a public need; and, in case the toll therefor should be paid, this should be done from publique funds. But since it would likely take some time for orders hereon to be sent from his Roy. Majesty to the Roy. Kammar Collegium,2 and then from the Roy. Kammar Collegium to the Customs Office; and the boxes in which the antlia is kept might meanwhile suffer some injury in the Customs warehouse, in that they are frequently moved about, turned up and down, and piled on by other packing boxes, chests and barrels; so with the same humility, it is submitted as to whether his Excellency and the most Wor. Roy. Collegium might be pleased to have some measure taken to deposit security for the said customs dues, so that the boxes wherein the antlia lies may be fetched away and set in a room of the Mechanical Laboratory. Stockholm, 27 May, 1725.

Em. Swedenborg.

1 In 1723, an old law was revived which made a difference between Swedish and foreign ships, in order to encourage Swedish shipping (p. 314). According to this law, all foreign ships must pay the full customs dues, but Swedish ships were given a reduction of one-third (Hildebrand, Sv. Hist. VII:78).

2 The Kammar Collegium had charge of internal revenues.

The matter was taken up by the College of Mines on the same day, and it was decided to petition the King, as requested by Swedenborg. Presumably the air pump was released duty free.

With the judgment given by the College of Mines in the Behm case on March 1st, Swedenborg might well have thought that his troubles with his aunt Brita were over; but he was soon undeceived.

Both he and his aunt had come into possession of their one-fifth and four-fifths shares of the extensive Axmar property, with its smelting and blasting works, farms, woods, etc., in 1724, and from the very beginning, Fru Behm had determined that there should be a complete and, so far as possible, a physical division of the property.

Indeed, Swedenborg had orally agreed to this soon after he and his Aunt had come into possession of their rich inheritance in May 1724, and by now the greater part of the estate had already been divided. As to the part that remained, Swedenborg agreed with his Aunt, that this should be divided at Michaelmas (Sept. 29),* and on September 12th, he gave his agent Lindbohm written authorization to represent him at this division. That this division was not then made, was probably due, in the main, to the great difficulties encountered, as will be seen later.

* See p. 345.

Fru Behm, however, was determined on a speedy settlement. Accordingly, on April 17th, soon after the settlement of the dispute concerning the furnace, she secured from the District Court of Ockelbo (Ugglebo, Ogglebo, or Oggelbo)--a town situated some twenty-five miles southwest of Axmar--a summons for Swedenborg to appear before the Court on June 10. In this way Swedenborg was drawn into a long drawn out lawsuit--the only lawsuit in which he was ever involved.

At the hearing on June 10th, he was represented by Lindbohm, and his aunt by Wahlstrm. The latter asked the court (1) to enjoin Swedenborg that he enter upon a division of such part of the Axmar estate as had not yet been divided; the division to be completed by a certain date to be fixed by the court; (2) to pay to Brita Behm 361 d. k.m. compensation for his use of more than his one-fifth share of the house since Michaelmas; and (3) 142 dal. 16 re k.m., for expenses, reserving the right to add to this sum the cost of fences which had been erected between Brita Behm's and Swedenborg's parts of the property. To prove that Swedenborg had evaded the division, his letter to Brita Behm of Nov. 3, 1724 was read; see p. 346.

Lindbohm then produced the letter to the court which Swedenborg had enclosed in his letter authorizing him to appear on his behalf. This letter is summarized in the court proceedings. No date is given, but it was probably written at the END of MAY:

Swedenborg there states that a division at Axmar, by the casting of lots, had taken place long before this, both as respects the farm, the appurtenances of the works and other belongings;

likewise the Gran farm; ditto the grounds, the arable lands, the hop gardens, horses, tools, the men, the stores, etc. The little that remains, the Herr Assessor on his side has sought that it also may be separated from the Fru's four-fifths. Enclosed as proof of this was a copy of a letter from him to the Fru, dated December 12th, 1724, containing eleven points dealing with the division of the stableyard buildings, the large barn for grain, the cellars, etc., these, for the most part, being left in accordance with the Fru's plan, see p. 349. The letter shows, and it was also testified to by Captain Lundberg* on the nineteenth of last April, that Inspector Lindbohm took him to witness that he wished to exchange or cast lots on five cabbage patches and kitchen gardens at the works which are undivided; but he did not know what Inspector Wahlstrm answered to this. Meanwhile, since the summons reads that the Herr Assessor shall answer concerning the division of the possessions of the Axmar works, the farm and other belongings, etc.; and the Herr Assessor, through the foregoing, has pointed out that the largest and most important part thereof is settled, and he is now summoned generaliter as stands above; therefore the Herr Assessor requests that, in accordance with law and procedure, he enjoy the beneficium in his favor that by summons he learn specifice what it is to which he is to answer, whether to the exchange of hearths, the Gran farm with the many parts mentioned above, or to the division of something else, the Herr Assessor not knowing what intenderas [is intended], whether the meaning is that he shall provide against everything that can come from the Fru's thought concerning the division; or whether that is undone which has already been settled; or what the Herr Assessor has expressed on one matter or another is not acknowledged as good, or is of such nature that it belongs to another forum; or something which, the Assessor writes, he is unable to guess at; for he is entirely ignorant as to what the complaint is properly about. From the praemissis [premises] in the summons, he does indeed find one thing which is aimed at, namely, the dividing of the house. But, according to the sum the building cost, this will not be of greater value than 3 d. koppermynt interest for half a year. Therein Lindbohm occupies three rooms, and the rest are had by Wahlstrm; and for his one-fifth share, there comes to the Herr Assessor two rooms therein and, in addition, a part of a third room.

Thus Lindbohm has therein somewhat above this, and therefore interest should be paid, which, however, the Fru will not be able to claim since the Herr Assessor has never refused a division; and so long and until this takes place, the Fru cannot deny the Herr Assessor the use of the room, etc. Therefore also, the Herr Assessor requests a counter charge for unwarranted statements and false accusation; also for expenses 184 dal. 16 re koppermynt according to the accompanying account. Meanwhile, he repeats his former assertion that before he is obligated to answer in any matter, the Herr Assessor may he summoned in that matter specifice in accordance with law and procedure, and also that such a general citation as the present shall not hold good in this case.

* Capt. Lundberg is probably the Sven Lundberg spoken of on p. 390n.

Wahlstrm answered orally, that the Assessor knew what division was now asked for, namely, the part that was still undivided Lindbohm replied that this had been answered by the Assessor in his letter.

The court then gave an interlocutory decree, to the effect that the law expressly requires that in a summons the plaintiff must specify the things for which the summons is issued. Brita Behm must therefore summon Swedenborg anew, specifically stating the matters to which he is to answer. As to compensation and expenses, these are held over until the main case is settled.

Meanwhile, Swedenborg was again faced with a dispute as to his assessorship, not, this time, as to his obtaining the post, but as to his precedence. This he had sacrificed once in favor of his future brother-in-law Bergenstierna, and of his brother-in-law Benzelstierna, but he had then, and without objection on the part of the College, expressly reserved for himself brother Anders Swab who was the third husband of Eliezer Swedenborg's The widow; see p. 408, note 2. The matter of precedence was one of importance, as the first in precedence was always appointed Councillor in the College whenever a vacancy occurred.

Swab petitioned the King that he be recognized as an Assessor as of 1716, thus giving him precedence over three of the four present assessors. His application was referred by the King to the College of Mines, and the College, in turn, communicated it to the three assessors whose positions were threatened, for their reflections, namely, Bergenstierna (the fourth husband of Eliezer's widow, p. 110, note 3), Benzelstierna and Swedenborg.

The latter expressed his views in a letter to the College of Mines, of JULY 6, 1725:

High and well-born Herr Count

and President and
well born Herrar Councillors and Assessors:

I most humbly thank your Countship's Excellency and the most Wor. Roy. Collegium, for their most kind communication of Herr Anders Swab's supplique submitted in humility to his Roy. Majesty, which his Roy. Majesty has been pleased graciously to remit to the Roy. Collegium, and has commanded that it hand in its expression of opinion. As concerns the Assessors' petitum [petition], so far as it would concern me, in case the grace befall him to enter upon a seat in the most Wor. Roy. Collegium without attendance at its sessions,l in a humble supplique to his Roy. Majesty, which will follow, I have brought forward what, in humility, I might have to note thereon. I therefore most humbly request that it please your Excellency and the most Wor. Roy. Collegium, to allow this same supplique to his Roy. Majesty to be enclosed,2 reserving to myself, for the rest, an expression of my view orally, in case anything is taken into deliberation which concerns his place in the Roy. Collegium, and how far he can, at these conjunctures, fill two offices.

Remaining, with deepest respect,

Your Countship Excellency's

and

the most worsh. Roy. Collegium's
Stockholm, most humble servant,
July 6, 1725 Em. Swedenborg

1 Schwab (1681-1731) was at this time master of mines in the Fahlun mining district, a post which he occupied from 1714 to June 1730.

2 I.e., enclosed with the College's reply to the King.

The Supplique was addressed to the King, but since the King had addressed himself to the College for an expression of opinion, it could go to his Majesty together with Bergenstierna's and Benzelstierna's replies, only through that body.

It was to the College, therefore, that Swedenborg sent it, about a week later, namely, on JULY 15:

Almighty, Most gracious

King.

The Assessor Anders Swab has most humbly brought before your Majesty that some of his brother members in your Majesty's Bergscollegium wish to dispute his right to a seat which is adjoined to him by two Royal Warrants; saying that ever since the year 1716 he has been actually an Assessor in the Collegium, and on the same footing as his predecessor Councillor of Mines Harald Lybecker;l and he is of the opinion that, in consequence thereof, he should occupy the position there, according to the date of his warrant; with other things which he humbly brought forward in the Supplique.

1 Harald Lybecker (1649-1714) became Assessor in 1692, but, being found indispensable at Fahlun, he remained there as master of mines until his death when he was succeeded by Anders Swab (Almqvist, Bergscol.). Anders Swab. Two years later (May 1716) he was appointed salaried Assessor, but continued as Master of Mines in Falun until June 1730 when he became Councillor. He died eight months later.

In accordance with your Roy. Majesty's most gracious command, the Collegium will present its humble opinion as regards his seat and place, and how far the Assessor can have a seat in the Collegium, and, at the same time with his service as mining master, have another post at another place, and thus administer two offices and one of them an office over which the Roy. Collegium has the right to command, and himself the right to he one of those whose orders it falls on him to obey, especially in respect to those conjunctures and dispositions which concern the Fahlun mining district. But, inasmuch as he announces himself as actually Assessor in the Collegium, and on the same footing as Councillor of Mines Harald Lybecker, it cannot be known to me what Swab's true meaning is, whether he wishes to enter upon his seat there, and at the same time administer the mining mastership in Fahlun, or to leave the one and take up the other, and thus, at pleasure, according as he finds it enjoyable, to go from the one service to the other. In such case, it seems incontestable that some one must yield up his place, or be removed from the position in which your Roy. Majesty has been pleased in grace to station him; and such a displacement or flitting would redundera [redound] on me who am the younger.

For this reason, I find myself obliged, in the aforementioned case, to flee to your Roy. Majesty, and supplicate for your Roy. Majesty's ever gracious protection, of which I the more give myself humble hope, since your Roy. Majesty, on the occasion of two nominations by the Collegium, has, in grace, vouchsafed me the position of ordinary assessor, with a salary of 800 dr. s.mt, as can plainly be seen from the warrant graciously given me; see Letter A.

But in Assessor Swab's warrant of 1716, on which the later Assessor's warrant is based, it is not said by a single word that he should enter upon the ordinary office in the Collegium, but only that he shall be ordinarius together with his office as mining master; for when he received the warrant, no vacance [vacancy] existed in the Collegium, and therefore he could not enter into any position. Nor in this same warrant was there reserved for him any ordinary position at the first, second or third opening; still less that he should now be able, at pleasure, to make a displacement among the members, and also have arbitrium [arbitrary power] and disposition over another and his office in a Royal Collegium, where so many are already provided with warrants as ordinary assessor, as the form of government requires; he having so much greater proof of what has been said in that, since that time, namely, 1716, he has been serving as mining master at Fahlun, and not as Assessor in the Collegium.

As concerns that which the Assessor asserts--the holding of a seat in the Collegium on the same footing as his antecessor Councillor of Mines Harald Lybecker--the circumstances in this case are different; for, on the 29th of May, 1692, on the occurring of an ordinary vacance, the aforesaid Councillor of Mines held an open warrant to become ordinarius in place of the late Assessor Schönström, as seen from his warrant, and from the blessed King Charles the XI's most gracious letter to the Collegium of the same date as the warrant; Letter B.

But since he could not be spared from the work at Fahlun, therefore, later on, at the earnest appeal of the Collegium, Assessor Adelstjierna was appointed in 1695 as extraordinarius to take his place. Assessor Swab cannot, therefore, apply to himself the example of his antecessor and draw therefrom a reason and a praejudicat [prejudgment] such as entering into the same right and advantage, because he entered into the mastership of mines in his place, and received the title of Assessor under the same circumstances, when there was no vacance in the Collegium;

especially since with such a title comes no right of succession, nor does it disclose any privilege for all mining masters in Fahlun, but this depends only and alone on Roy. grace and a personal warrant.

Therefore, since I have the gracious favor by virtue of your Roy. Majesty's own most graciously given warrant, to be an ordinarius in the Collegium, in place of Chief Physician Bromell, with a salary, after Assessor Benzelstierna, I pray in humility that no private individual may come of his own authority, to arbitrare [decide] concerning a publique service, and at his pleasure push, displace, or move me from the office graciously granted me; in which humble confidence, I live steadfastly.

Your Roy: Majesty's

my ever gracious King's

most humble and loyal subject

Em : Swedenborg
Stockholm,
July 15, 1725.
[Enclosures]

Letter A

We Frederick, by God's grace, King of Sweden, Gothland and Wenden, Grand Prince of Finland, etc., etc., decree by letters, that, whereas by Lars Benzelstierna's transfer to the salary of Ordinary Assessor which the Chief Physician Magnus Bromell formerly had in our Collegium, the office of Ordinary Assessor there, with the 800 dal. s.mt. mining Master's salary thereto attached, has become vacant; and for the filling of that place, it comes to us, in grace, to think of our true servant and Extraordinary Assessor, beloved of us, the noble and well-born Emanuel Swedenborg, in view of the knowledge he has acquired in this branch, and his manifest ability and good conduct; therefore, we hereby will and, by virtue of this our open Warrant, have appointed him, Emanuel Swedenborg, to be Ordinary Assessor in our Bergscollegium in the said Lars Benzelstierna's place, wherewith he is to enjoy the above 800 dal. s.mt.

With this, all concerned must obediently comply, etc., etc. Stockholm, July 15, 1724.

FREDERICK

S. Barck

Letter B

Carl, by God's Grace, King of Sweden, Gothland, and Wenden, Grand Prince of Finland, etc., etc. Our singular favor and gracious pleasure with God Almighty. True man and servant respectively, our Councillor Herr Count and President, and also our Assessors: whereas we, in grace, have found it good to constitute and appoint the mining master at the great Kopperberg mine, Harald Lybecker, to be an Assessor in our Bergscollegium in the place of the late Assessor Schönström, we therefore give this to be known to you, ye having to nominate in his place a clever and deserving person for the office of master of mines.

Wherewith we commend you to God Almighty's singular grace. Linköping, May 24, 1692.

CARL

C. Piper

This letter, together with those of Bergenstierna and Benzelstierna, and the College's formal opinion, were not forwarded to the King for many months. However, Swab was permitted to read the letters, but since they were addressed to the King, no copies would be made.

Some time earlier in the year, Swedenborg received from Eric Benzelius a request for a contribution to the Acta Literaria Sueciae, and in response, he had written an article giving some mathematical calculations of the dimensions of a funeral mound or hill the calculations being of a mound with an oval base. These funeral mounds were made in heathen times as monuments covering the dead, and since members of the same family used a common mound or hill, they were called ttebackar or ttehg (family hills). They are found in many places in Sweden, the most famous, perhaps, being those at Old Upsala. Judging from Benzelius' letter, one of these was probably the subject of Swedenborg's calculations. During his many visits to Upsala, he must certainly have seen them more than once, and with his inquiring mind, have speculated concerning them.

The article was written in Swedish and, in order to appear in the Acta Literaria, it was necessary to have it translated into Latin. This translation was completed in July, and Benzelius then wrote to Swedenborg in a letter dated JULY 13, 1725:

My highly honored d. Brother:

With all the honor I so greatly owed, I acknowledge my d. Brother's kindness to my Ericus1 which he has experienced in Stockholm in such manifold ways, by instruction in physicis and mathematicis, and now in addition, with a new present.2 I wish that my Brother may not grow weary of this, especially in these times' when expenses are still great enough and continuous.

1 Eric Ericsson Benzelius Jr. (1705-1767), Eric Benzelius' firstborn, had recently graduated from Upsala and was now living in Stockholm preparatory to entering the College of Mines: He became an Auscultant or apprentice there in August 1726, and eventually became a Councillor.

2 Frring. This word is used of a gift made by one of high rank, to another who is beneath him in rank.

A good friend has translated my Brother's Calculation on the well-known funeral mound, so that the same may appear in the Acta.3 He has made the calculation on the basis of a figuram conicam (a conical figure), though d. Brother's was on the basis of an oval. Should there then be anything to note in respect to this calculation of his, he awaits d. Brother's ordres.

My d. Brother's

most faithful Brother and Friend

E. Benzelius.
Upsala 13 July, 1725

3 The article was never printed, and whether it is still preserved is not known. See Bokwetts Gillets Prot., 121.

The Sec. Regia Anglic.4 has been pleased to send me one of Hauksbee's thermometers, to make observationes therewith. It is likely on the way by the yacht.5

4 The Royal Philosophical Society of London.

5 There was a regular service by yacht between Stockholm and Upsala, taking a varied length of time for the journey, according to wind and weather. The yachts were owned by Professor Rudbeck. (See p. 159, note 6.)

A few days after the receipt of this letter, namely on July 19th, Swedenborg and his fellow Assessor Bergenstjerna left Stockholm for Nya Kopparbergs in Westmanland, on a commission of inspection, and did not return to Stockholm until October 26th.

6 The copper mine here was discovered in 1628, and to distinguish it from the great or Stora Kopparberg, it was called the Nya Kopparberg, a name which it retained.

Swedenborg had not been long on the work of this commission before he was again troubled with the dispute over the Axmar property. As already noted, in the suit brought by Brita Behm, the Court at Oggelbo had given an interlocutory decree, to the effect that before further proceedings could be taken, Swedenborg must be served with a summons specifically stating what property the plaintiff demanded should be divided. On July 22nd, Brita Behm furnished the court with the required particulars of her claim, showing that there still remained undivided eight village houses; I timber tract; I house of eight rooms, situated at the works; a brew house; two stables; a barn; sheep pen; three tool sheds; a workshop; four storehouses; a grain house; an iron storehouse; two meadows; two kitchen gardens; two cabbage patches; four horse paddocks; a fishery and net house; and two windmills.

In her letter to the judge, Brita Behm asks that these properties be divided between her and Swedenborg in the proportion of four-fifths and one-fifth; that Swedenborg be held to compensate her for the "injuries, loss, and inconvenience" which she has suffered owing to his having evaded the division, and having meanwhile enjoyed more benefit than his one-fifth share entitled him to; and that he pay the legal costs of the proceedings. Inasmuch as he was then on a journey to Vermland, and would remain there until Autumn, she prays the Court to furnish her with a written citation, that she may be able to serve it on him in due time before the opening of the autumn term.

On receipt of this communication, the Judge of the District Court at Oggelbo wrote a letter to Swedenborg, dated JULY 29TH, 1725:

Well-born, high learned Assessor:

From the accompanying open letter from Fru Professorska Brita Behm, of the 22nd of this month, which came to me just now, the high 1. Assessor will please understand the matter on which the Fru Professorska requests of me a summons on the high 1. Assessor to the next Court, in consequence of the District Court's interlocutory decree pronounced between the Fru Professorska and the high 1. Assessor on June 10th last; and as the aforesaid Fru Professorska has furnished me with such letter, therefore I desire herewith to communicate the same to the high 1.

Assessor, that from it the high 1. Assessor may himself gather more circumstantially the object of the summons falling due at the comparation [trial] term on the 26th of October next, in the Ordinary Autumn Court, for the districts of Hambronge and Ugglebo in the Gstrick and Ugglebo court house, where the high 1. Assessor will present himself, or be represented by a legally appointed attorney, fur legal response to the Fru Professorska in the same aforementioned points and matter. The Court assumes that this summons will be observed without hindrance, since the Court will deal with the case as its nature is tried conformably with law and the Royal Ordinances.

Lars Stiernmark
July 29th, 1725.
The Assessor in the Roy. Bergscollegium,
The well-born, high 1. Emanuel Swedenborg

Besides sending Swedenborg the above letter, the judge also complied with Fru Behm's request and sent her summons on Swedenborg who was then traveling from place to place, engaged in the work of the Commission. She had it served on him however, though "at much trouble and cost," as she avers. After receiving service, Swedenborg, on October 13th, secured from his fellow commissioner Bergenstierna, and from mining master Christiernin, sworn testimony to the effect that he was engaged on Royal business. This testimony he enclosed in a letter of October 19th to the Oggelbo Court, wherein he stated that he would he unable to present himself at the hearing because his work on the commission would prevent him from returning to Stockholm until October 26th; and that since that work concerned the business of the kingdom, it excused him legally from obedience to the summons. At the same time he wrote to Lindbohm, authorizing him to act as his representative at the trial.*

* These letters are not now available. Their contents are gathered from other letters.

When the Oggelbo Court opened on October 26th, Swedenborg's letter was read and was accepted by the Court as a legal excuse. To the objection that Swedenborg could have been present had he gone from rebro to Oggelbo direct, instead of to Stockholm, the Court suggested that it was probably necessary for him to procure the documents of the case which he had in Stockholm.

The Court then issued a second interlocutory decree, postponing the case to the winter term.

To this decision, Fru Behm's attorney, Wahlstrm, made a somewhat heated objection, and in consequence received a warning from the judge.

This was the second postponement of the case, and on November 16th, Fru Behm, despairing of ever bringing the matter to a conclusion, filed with the Court of Appeal in Stockholm, a bill of complaint.

In this bill, which was a voluminous document of twenty folio pages, she recites that ever since she came into possession of her four-fifths of the Axmar property in May 1724, she had had no peace because of Swedenborg's servant Lindbohm; that Swedenborg induced her to go to Axmar in the summer, to conclude the division of the property, and then she was called back to Stockholm. That meanwhile Swedenborg's servant was occupying more than one-fifth of the house at the works. She had therefore been compelled to take the matter to the District Court; but this Court made her trouble vain by unlawfully demanding a detailed list of the things to be divided, and this on the ground that something had already been divided, and lest, as her opponent said, "during the dividing, something may be requested which belongs to another jurisdiction."

She had however complied with the Court's demands, and the case had come up at the autumn term. She complained of several irregularities at this latter trial, such as the fact that Lindbohm took part in it without a written warrant from Swedenborg. But her special complaint was that the Court had accepted Swedenborg's failure to appear, as lawful, inasmuch as he was engaged on the business of the kingdom. Should such claim be allowed, then every one who expected to be brought to court would hasten to secure a government position. "There will then indeed be men who, because they believe they are to be brought before the law, would let an extraordinary position1 come to them which otherwise they would willingly escape, merely in order to elude comparation [trial] before the judge."

They would thus secure delay, and "he who gains time often gains all." This she applied to Swedenborg by stating that he "had excused himself a year ago with the commission work at rebro. He excused himself this year with the same commission work," and she had no assurance but that he would continue to do so. Meanwhile he had the use of a greater share of the house than was his due, so that the appellant, for want of house room, could not visit Axmar this last summer.

1 In the Swedish Colleges, an Extraordinarius was one who was outside the regular official employment, and he received no salary. He was entitled, however, to claim precedence in case of an ordinary vacancy.

She disputed the interpretation of the laws on which the Court had based its decision to regard Swedenborg's absence as legally justified, saying that those laws excused attendance at court only when the party was called to defend the country against enemies, and that otherwise the royal ordinances expressly say that no distinction shall be made between royal servants and others.

The sworn testimony of Bergenstierna and Christiernin*, dated October 13th, that Swedenborg was then hindered from attendance because he was engaged in the work of a Royal Commission, did not justify the judge in concluding that he was also thus hindered during the following thirteen days until the day of the hearing, October 26th, especially in view of the fact that Swedenborg arrived in Stockholm some days before the 26th, the journey from rebro to Axmar being little longer than to Stockholm. In any case, he could have appointed an attorney as he had done previously in the same case.

* Christiernin was the District Judge at Arboga where Swedenborg's commission had been at work.

Had she been allowed to enjoy her legal rights as prescribed for cases where postponement is allowed on a plea of legal excuse, a definite time would have been set, and she could have hoped for some conclusion of the case; but since her opponent could always plead his royal service and his work on a commission, she could expect "no change for me in this opponent's unrighteousness and self will" save from the High Court.

She requested that the District Court's decision be voided, and that it be enjoined on Swedenborg to attend the winter term of that Court, with all necessary documents; also that he pay the costs of the present appeal.

Finally she complains of the warning given Wahlstrm by the District Judge, because he protested against the latter's decision; and she cites laws which expressly confer on either party to a dispute the right to express such displeasure.

She encloses, with her bill of complaint, copies of several letters, and also a bill of costs for the drawing up of the present appeal, with stamps and fees amounting to 190 d. 28 re k.m.

Fru Behm's bill of complaint was forwarded to Swedenborg by the Court of Appeal, and Swedenborg gave his answer on NOVEMBER 20TH:

The High Well-born Herr Baron and President

and the Well-born Herrar

Vice-President, Court Councillor and Assessors:

For the highly gracious communication of Professorska Fru Brita Behm's filed bill of complaint, I am most thankful; and I must confess that in no other way could I come into wonderment when I saw, addressed to me, so voluminous a bill of complaint, as was that of the 19th last past,1 with so many citations concerning a small preliminari case, which could have been written in a few lilies. But I wondered still more when I read the said bill of complaint through, and saw that so small a matter was written in rhetorin [rhetorical language] and with a multitude of choice, highly weighty terms, as though it concerned some part of the kingdom's welfare, or as though the enemy had again come to tire Axmar Works. Yet I can warrant that all that the Fru Professorska is pleased to bring forward and recommend in so lofty and weighty a manner is little worth the cost which the Fru expended for the producing and copying of the bill of complaint, namely, 150 dal. kop. mt; for the main part of the whole matter is probably, and this also the Fru troubles herself over, that Inspector Lindbohm occupies a three-fifths part in one room, of which only a two-fifths part comes to me,2 and from which he cannot move until settlement has been made for my two-fifths part. And now from this, or something like it, parturiunt montes [the mountains labor].

1 The reference is to Fru Behm's appeal, "19" being a slip for "16."

2 The house itself had 8 rooms, 2 large and 5 small; but the large rooms were equal in size to 3 small rooms, thus making the equivalent of 11 small rooms. In addition, the brewhouse had 2 small rooms. Thus Lindbohm's share was 1/5 of 13 rooms = 2-3/5. He actually occupied 2 small and one large rooms in the house itself.

As regards one thing or another in meitis [in the claims] your Excellency and the Roy. High Court will not take it ungraciously that it is left unanswered by me, seeing that all this will still come to be discussed in its own foro [court], and such discussion now cannot pay for the trouble.

But as soon as the Fru Professorska gets her wish, namely, that the chief point shall be taken up, I hope that the Fru will then come to see better than now of what little worth the merita [claims] are. I may also be very graciously excused that I do not wield a voluminous pen in defence of the first interlocutory decree, since no displeasure is expressed thereat, but it has attained legal force.

As regards the second interlocutory decree, namely, that the District Court has considered it as a lawful excuse that I was employed on a roy. transaction, therein speaks the matter itself, and the Herr puisne Judge knows that in this case he has followed the law and the ordinances. But to argue whether or not it is a lawful excuse, or whether or not it is conformable with equiteten [equity], when ordinances, law, practice, aequitet, and the understanding itself so clearly dictate it! So I wonder why it should be brought into doubt and dispute by mere reasoning, and a philosophy be employed therein which militates against all that has previously been mentioned.

That the sworn testimony concerning my being on a Royal Commission was given on October 13th, and I had time to go from there to Gefle3 before the 26th, is also of no weight; for that same testimony was sent by post, which goes from Orebro to Gefle only once a week. Had I delayed eight days more, my exception together with the testimony would have arrived too late and I would have been in culpa [at fault] and there would have followed a judgment contumaciae [of contempt].

3 To go from rebro to Oggelbo, Swedenborg would have been obliged to go via Gefle, a town on the eastern coast of Sweden.

That I arrived here in Stockholm before October 26th, prior to the beginning of the Court, is an untrue statement, since I, together with Herr Assessor Bergenstjerna, arrived here from the Commission on Forges ordered by his Roy. Majesty, on October 26th after noon.

That Inspector Lindbohm did not have a warrant [to represent me]; here also the opposite can be verified, for, as on the former occasion, so in this, I sent him a warrant to answer for me.

That I, last year, was on the same business as now is also untrue, for last year I was ordered by his Roy. Majesty to attend in the investigation ordered over the sulphur works, and now I was on another investigation which concerns the forging work in Wermeland and Nerkie.

To bring more such replies to the voluminous document is not likely to be necessary, especially since, after a tolerably long preface, and in its way, a well worked out oration, petitum [the petition] is very brief; to wit, that I must answer at the next Court. But since this belongs to the under judge, and this petitum has not been made at the instance of the lower Court, and a new summons will be served on rile, I do not know in what position I can be, whether I will be prevented by sickness or by other lawful excuse. For I assure myself and pray your Excellency and the high Roy. Court, that nothing will befall me save what your Excellency and the Rep, Court find to be in accordance with law and procedure.

Furthermore, to make the one just as strong as the other that the costs may he equal to the bill of complaint, 150 dal. kop.mt. is set out for the drawing up and copying thereof. But seeing that it is no art to make an account high because the art consists merely in being able to write a number more or less, yet, in all modesty, it seems that 10 dal. s.mt.4 should be noted and written off for voluminous unnecessary writing.

4 Equals 30 dal. k.m.

Meanwhile, since I think that my exception is worth as much as the hill of complaint. I most humbly beg to be excused if I append an expense account of the same kind, although it is subject to examination by the District Court, and it is unnecessary that pour Excellency and the Roy. High Court be troubled therewith.

For the rest, in the supplique, there are one or two expressions which seem offensive, and wherein, as it seems, the pen, on account of eager zeal, could not be checked; as in the passage, "Therefore I see no change for me in this opponent's unrighteousness and self-will"; in another place: "There will then indeed be men who, because they believe they are to be brought before the law, would let an extraordinary position come to them which, otherwise, they would willingly escape, merely in order to elude comparation [trial] before the judge." After this comes the application, etc., which concerns not only me but the King's servants generally.

In such and many other expressions, the Fru Professorska, who in her whole being is good-natured and intelligent, would likely have no part; but that the bill of complaint is conceived and written by some other person5 is clearly evident from the expense account; for I most humbly ask that your Excellency and the Roy. High Court order that the conceptist set his name thereunder, that I may thereby have the opportunity of seeking a counter suit at law for such unjust invectives and reckless expressions. I remain, with deepest respect,

Your Excellency's and the

Roy. High Court's

most humble servant

Emanuel Swedenborg
Stockholm
Nov. 26, 1725.

5 Fru Behm's bill of complaint was undoubtedly written by a lawyer, but probably it was not a lawyer whom Swedenborg had in mind, but the one who instigated him. Whether, at this time, Swedenborg suspected any particular person, does not appear, but he expresses himself very definitely twenty years later, in some Swedish notes written on the last page of Codex 3, a manuscript which contains the Memorabilia written from 1751 to 1769. These notes describe the character of a man who is indicated by the letter "B.," and that this is Swedenborg's brother-in-law and fellow Assessor Lars Benzelstierna, is evident from the reference to Starbo, the property of which Swedenborg and Lars each owned one half. The notes were probably written in 1755, the year in which both Fru Behm and Lars Benzelstierna died. They contain the following:

"B incited Nordencrantz; shown by a letter from Sven Lundberg to his brother-in-law.

Incited Brita Behm; admitted by her and acknowledged ...

Went about with murderous thoughts so long as it was held out that I owned one half of Starbo.

Convicted of desiring to arouse Brita Rehm to commence the lawsuit as to the dividing of Axmar" (Cod. 63, last page; Drmmar, 1860, p. 72).

According to F. G. Lindh, Judge Stiernmark also sought to get the name or the "conceptist" in order to sue him, but without result (N. K. Tidning, 1927, p. 100).

List of expenses which the opposite party has caused me at the Roy. High Court:

Cost for the answer to the written complaint 150.00
Stamp therefor--3 arks .18
Servants at the Roy. High Court 6.00
Obtaining the Resolution with stamp 18.00

174.18

Emanuel Swedenborg

The case came before the Oggelbo Court on December 1st. What its decision was, is not known. It is known, however, that both parties thought of appealing against it. But Swedenborg's good opinion of his Aunt was soon justified by the fact that, after talking over the matter, they soon became reconciled. As a consequence, they addressed to the High Court a joint letter, dated JANUARY 31ST, 1726:

The High well-born Herr Baron and President

and also respectively the high and well-born
Herr Vice President and Herr Court Councillor and Herrar Assessors:

Since the dispute which formerly existed between us, concerning the division of certain properties belonging to the Axmar Works in Gastrickland, and which we, on both sides, have thought of submitting, during these days, to the proving of your Excellency's and this most wor. Roy. High Court's high justice, by appealing against a lately issued judicial decree of December 1st last; and which now, and within the terminum comparationis [the term of the trial] is settled by the agreement and reconciliation that has come between us, so that hereafter this case will come to a complete stoppage; therefore, in pursuance of the Ordinance of Procedure of the year 1698 and specifically of the twenty-third paragraph thereof, it devolves upon us humbly to announce this herewith to your Excellency and this most Wor. Roy. High Court, we remaining, with all reverence and respect

Your Excellency's and

the most worsh. Roy. High Court's

most humble servants

Brita Behm Emanuel Swedenborg
Stockholm
31 Jan. 1726

As will be seen presently, the reconciliation here referred to consisted in Swedenborg agreeing to appear at the Oggelbo Court at the next term, for final settlement of the matter in dispute.

Meanwhile, Anders Swab's petition to be recognized as an Assessor, as of 1716, was still unanswered. The three Assessors, including Swedenborg, whose appointment dated after Swab's and who would thus be injured by the granting of Swab's petition, had each filed protests. Swab had been permitted to read these protests, and had filed a supplementary petition.

And now, Swedenborg wrote a second protest which he sent to the College of Mines on DECEMBER 1ST, 1725:

High well-born Herr Count and President

and well-born Herrar Councillors and Assessors:

Since Assessor Swab, after receiving communication of the supplique humbly handed in by me to his Roy. Majesty, has come in with an humble explanation thereon, and in this explanation brings forward further reasons than were given in his former supplique to show that he is entitled to the position of ordinary assessor in the most worsh. Roy. Collegium in advance of me, therefore I feel called upon to show that the Assessor's claim in this matter is unfounded; for which end, I venture to enclose herewith1 a humble answer thereto, most humbly requesting that it please your Excellency and the most wor. Roy. Collegium most graciously to allow this same humble answer and explanation of mine to be sent to his Roy. Majesty when, with my right and the Roy. Warrant, as against Assessor Swab's claim, I can in humility expect that I will in grace be maintainerad.

1 The enclosure was a copy of his former letter to the King.

I remain, for the rest, with the deepest respect,

Your Countship Excellency's

and the most wor. Roy. Collegium's

most humble servant

Emanuel Swedenborg.
[Stockholm
Dec. 1, 1725]

It was not till May fifth that all the letters in this case were forwarded to the King in Council, and on June 3d came the King's answer, supporting the claims of Anders Swab. This of course settled the matter, and Swedenborg once more found himself one step lower down in the line of advancement.

The joint letter of January 31st, addressed by Swedenborg and his Aunt Brita Behm to the Court of Appeal, announcing the agreement reached between them, did not stop the appellate case. The letter was read by the Court on February 8th.

But it appears that about the same time, Brita Behm, perhaps influenced by her adviser,2 petitioned the Court that Judge Stiernmark be required to send in his answer to her Bill of Complaint which had been communicated to him.

This petition was granted by the Court on February 10th, and thus the whole case was reopened.

2 See p. 390, note.

Stiernmark's reply, dated March 26th, was read in the Court of Appeal on April 15th. On the same day, Swedenborg and Rosenadler (on Brita Behm's behalf) appeared before the Court for oral questioning. Swedenborg stated that he was willing, without any further summons, to appear before the Oggelbo Court with the necessary documents, that the case may be settled; and after Rosenadler had expressed himself as satisfied with this statement, the Court resolved to let the matter rest at this.

While awaiting the hearing at the Oggelbo Court, Swedenborg was, of course, fully occupied, not only with his duties at the College of Mines, but also in the writing of the parts which were to constitute that great mineralogical work advertised in a prospectus issued in 1722, as to appear at the end of 1723. Though devoted to his work as Assessor, his chief interest was as a student and writer, as shown by the many MSS. belonging to this period which are plainly the result of very extensive reading.

It would appear that he had not lost connection with all the scientific friends whom he had made during his sojourn in England in 1710-1713, for in May he received from England two books, one on Finding the Longitude, and the other on the Magnetic Needle, sent to him, perhaps, by Prof. Halley, who was now the Astronomer Royal in succession to Flamstead, and to whom he had dedicated his Swedish work on Finding the Longitude, published in 1718.

The first work was by John Petrus Biester, a German resident in England, and was entitled A Method of Finding the Longitude by the Meridian, at Sea and on Land, London 1726. The second work was anonymous, and was entitled Theses de acus Magneticae directione ad Septentrionem et Meridiem, Declinatione, varietate declinationis et inclinatione, London 1725 (Theses on the Direction of the Magnetic Needle to north and south, its declination, the variety of the declination, and its inclination).

After reading these works, Swedenborg sent them on to Eric Benzelius, together with a letter dated JUNE 6, 1726.

Highly honored d. Brother:

By Friday's post, there came a letter from d. Father, which is enclosed herewith. Some days ago there was sent me by post a treatise on finding the longitude of places, written up by a man in England of whom I have not known.

The method depends mainly on observing the moon when it comes to the meridian, and to find it there, the author seeks the help of one or two stars. Against this method, two things seem to militate: 1. That it is difficult to hit upon the right time when the moon comes to the meridianum loci; this must be adjusted to its altitude, and although other helpful means are sought for this purpose, yet one cannot accurate get the position of the moon, or know when its appulsus at the meridian occurs, and the less so at sea than on land. 2. That it is just as hard to obtain the Parallaxis there as in any other position, so that the method has the same difficulties as other methods. For the rest, this invention is really Kircher's,1 who later himself recognizes its difficulties.

Highly honored d. Brother's

obedient servant.

Em. Swedenborg
Stockholm
June 6, 1726

1 Athanasius Kircher (1602-1680) was a German Jesuit, renowned for his learning, especially in the field f mathematics and physics. His book Magnes (The Magnet or the Magnetic Art) was in Swedenborg's library. He devoted the last years of his life to the study of Egyptian Hieroglyphics.

It is somewhat remarkable that Swedenborg makes no mention in this letter (which is the last known letter to pass between him and his brother-in-law) of the consecration of his brother-in-law as Bishop of Gothenburg, which took place in Upsala on June 5th, and of which Swedenborg must surely have known.

Both the books referred to in the above letter were sent to Benzelius, and they were exhibited at the meeting of the Bokwetts Gille on June 10th.

The Axmar law case came up before the Oggelbo Court in June. Swedenborg being represented by his Inspector, Lindholm; for his duties at the College of Mines required his presence in Stockholm during the whole of June. On June 14th, the Court handed down its decision. The Court arranged for the division of certain parts of the property, but a, to other parts, it held that these did not come under its jurisdiction, but under that of the District Mining Court, to which it therefore referred them.

Swedenborg was contented with this decision, but not so Fru Behm who wanted, above all things, a speedy separation from Swedenborg (or his Inspector) in all that pertained to the Axmar property.

Therefore, on receiving a copy of the decision, she at once entered a Bill of Complaint in the Stockholm Court of Appeal.

Her complaint was taken up by the Court on June 28th, and it was resolved that both Judge Stiernmark and Emanuel Swedenborg should submit their rebuttals, the latter to hand his in within eight days after receipt of a copy of Fru Behm's complaint, or suffer a fine of 10 dalers silver mynt. Brita Behm's Bill of Complaint is not now at hand, but its contents and also the detailed judgment of the Oggelbo Court are clearly seen in the reply handed in by Swedenborg JULY 5TH, 1726:

The high well-born Herr Baron and President

and also
the Well-born and learned Herrar, respectively, Herr Vice-President, Herrar Court Councillors, and Herrar Assessors:

Professorska Brita Behm has again complained to your Excellency and the most worsh. High Court, concerning a judgment between us which the Uggelbo and Hambrunge District Court delivered on June 14th last, relating to some remaining division at the Axmar Works; and, in particular, concerning the fact that the said Court has referred to the mining Court certain matters, as not belonging to its Forum [jurisdiction]; and since I have received a most gracious communication thereof, for which are given most humble thanks, the most worsh. Court will most graciously permit the submission of the following remarks thereon:

First, the Fru Professorska complains that the District Court had referred to the Mining Court a disputed matter presented to it concerning the division of the Axmar Works' farm, in that the District Court first found it reasonable that the aforesaid farm belonging to the Axmar Works could not be split up into even parts, still less could Jns Jnsson's farm in Wy, wherein we own only a mortgage equity; and then, since the Mining Court has to do with the enjoyment of rights, and with costs and stores, it remitted the matter to that forum; and she wonders that the District Court, having thus acknowledged what has bees mentioned, likewise declared itself unable to take up the matter as being forbidden owing to defectu jurisdictionis.

The lady further argues that, as regards its enjoyment of rights and charcoaling according to general law, the estate belongs to the jurisdiction of the District Court, since it does not lie in any mining district and is not a mining- or crown-estate assigned to ally milling district, but is simply a taxed estate; and in view of this, the Mining Court has so much the less to do with it as being an oeconomicum [domestic matter]; together with much more that is voluminously brought forward to prove that these properties are true taxed estates.

As regards the first point, it is clear from its decree that the District Court reached a decision and conclusion in the matter of the dividing of the things peculiarly pertaining to the aforesaid works' farm, to wit, that in this farm there can be no splitting up or dividing. Thus, the District Court entirely rejected the Fru'spetitum [petition]; and to this extent it is incorrectly alleged that the Court dismissed the matter, and also that it did this ex defectu jurisdictionis; for the words in which it rejects such dividing as is insisted on by the lady are as follows: Inasmuch as none of the purchased property of the above Works is of such size or measurement that it can be split up or divided into five equally good parts, and Jns Jnsson's farm in Wy belongs to the parties only on mortgage for an advance of 800 Dal. k.mt., the estate being also situated in villages which have their uncut woods all together, so that the Works' farms do not own any separated woods, etc. In this matter, judgment is passed; the Fru's petitum is rejected; and reasons are adduced--and many other reasons can be adduced to establish that no division of woods or ground on the farm can be permitted, or can in any way be actually made. This matter then is not referred to another court, nor is it from any defectu jurisdictionis that the judgment handed down in respect to the desired division is negative. Still less is there any error in the procedure, unless the lady thinks it an error that the rejection does not accord with her desire and assertion.

When this matter had been decided by the District Court, the Court then finds that all that can be divided in the said farm is only the right of using the peasants' charcoal and work. This the District Court remitted to another forum. But the lady stoutly contends that it does not belong to the Mining Court, in view of reasons and arguments, based solely on the nature of a taxable estate, which are voluminously taken up and brought forward.

Herein, ignoring both the Ordinance of October 24th, 1694,1 and many other ordinances, as well as common practice, the lady or her conceptist,2 either wishes to be ignorant or shows herself to be actually ignorant. Therefore, since this is a question of jurisdictions, I find that it will not devolve on me, or on any other party either, to present arguments hereon, before the most worsh. Roy. Court, as to how that party desires that it shall be or ought to be; but I humbly submit to your Excellency and the most worsh. Roy. Court who are the best judges, the question as to how far, according to the ordinances, an oeconomicum of this kind belongs to the one forum or the other, and whether or not this can be considered as an error in the process.

1 This is an ordinance decreeing that in mining districts, all cases involving the unlawful burning of wood shall be taken to the Mining Court of the district, and there adjudged. The ordinance was made in consequence of complaints that cases of the unlawful burning of wood for making charcoal for the use of forges, etc., came before the ordinary district court which was not composed of men skilled in mining matters, and thus the decisions led to disputes between the said court and the mining authorities. It was therefore decreed that "in all places where certain woods are found to be assigned to pits or mining works," all cases involving the unlawful burning of woods "shall be at once taken up and judged by the mining master with the mining court of the place" (Kgl. Frordningar angende Bergwercken och Bruken, Stockholm, 1737, p. 463 A copy of this work was in Swedenborg's library).

2 i.e., the one who conceived the idea.

The lady further adduces that the District Court dismissed to the Mining Court the dividing of the purchased wood tracts belonging to the Works, as being a matter wherewith the District Court could not concern itself. She adds that it is different with a milling estate in the mining district than with those estates which are purely taxed estates situated on their own free ground; and that if this matter shall be referred to the Mining Court, then--so she asserts--it should be considered as an error in the procedure. As concerns all this, the words in the decree read as follows: Neither does the District Court concern itself with the wood tracts bought for the use of Axmar's villagers, but leaves it to the parties in the place concerned to seek the division and surveying thereof--together with more that then follows.

Here, for my part, I find no suggestion of the division being sent to the Mining Court, nor has the Judge mentioned the Mining Court in this Point, but merely leaves the parties at the place concerned to seek a division and the survey thereof.

The reason follows in the same place. If neither of us proceeds with the dividing, and if there is no dispute thereon, then the proper resort is to the district judge to request from him a surveyor and execution. This is set clearly before the eyes by what follows in the same Point, and also in Point VII. The District Court cannot, indeed, judge as to the dividing, when neither party refuses a division, but such division is consented to on both sides. In addition to being a gainer in that which she desires, the lady gets a remission to the proper quarter and to the district judge; after agreement has been reached, the dividing is assigned to the measurement of the official surveyor. And yet the lady will have it, that this is an error in the process, asserting moreover that the judgment in this matter shall be voided; and she unnecessarily seeks a certain change in what has bees consented to by the parties and with which, in view of this, the judge cannot concern himself. And so by twisted interpretation, she puts in the wrong, the judge, the opposite party, and herself, the fact being, therefore, that there is no error in the process, but the error is in the understanding and interpretation of the words.

As to the third Point, complaint is made over the fact that the requested dividing of the house is referred to the Mining Court, and appeal is made to the late King Charles' letter of November 7th, 1707, to the College of Mines, concerning the valuing and examination by the Mining Master, of houses at Works; and she gives it the interpretation that jurisdiction was not thereby taken away from the District Court, but that it was to be determined by its means who shall carry out the execution, it lying with the district judge to name them.3 Hereon it only needs to be observed that the lady or her conceptist seems to be in ambiguo [in doubt] as to how the ordinance shall be adapted to the case in hand, and the case to the ordinance.

The lady does not deny the valuing, nor that it should be carried out by the mining master; neither does she deny the carrying of it into execution; but she contends that judgment concerning the dividing shall belong to the District Court. For my part, I see no light in this matter, nor any clear process, if this valuing is to be carried out according to her interpretation. But I will abandon this Point as being unnecessary, for in any case it does not at all depend on the judgment and interpretation of the lady or her conceptist either of the one or of the other; for that a house belonging to a works, the store houses for iron, and other like appurtenances which belong to a forge and follow the smelteries in due proportion, and are found in smelting, mining or forging buildings--that these are to be divided by the mining master, is undoubted. Such division cannot be done without examination. Shall the examination then, which is necessary for this, be made by one jury or by two? Shall the mining master go there for the examination of some houses, and the district judge for others? Can it not be done by the one? and entia [things] not be multiplied praeter necessitatem [more than necessary]? But since this concerns the question of jurisdictions, it does not devolve upon me to introduce any dispute hereon before your Excellency and the most worsh. Roy. Court; for the Roy. Court itself well knows what comes under the one forum and what under the other. For my part--yet submitting the matter to the finding of your Excellency and the most worsh. Roy. Court--inasmuch as no judgment can be made concerning a division without a previous viewing, I see no error to have been committed in the process.

3 The letter referred to is entitled "Royal letter to the College of Mines, that the valuing of mines, inventories and buildings shall not be done without the knowledge and order of the College of Mines." It was written in consequence of a complaint by the College that it had written to the governors and sheriffs, asking them to inform the College of any valuations, inventories. etc., made by the mining master, as otherwise they could not keep track of the ownership of properties. The King made the giving of this information compulsory and ordained that the valuations, etc., shall be approved by the College (Kungliga Frordningar, p. 571).

As to the fourth, fifth, sixth and seventh Points, the lady complains of the judgment which orders that the meadows shall be measured off and divided when the surveyor comes to divide the wood tracts; and since the carrying out of this dividing was remitted to the Mining Court, and therefore it is uncertain when such dividing can be undertaken, therefore, the judge did not set a term but so arranged it that one can never see that the judgment in this case can come to actuality; but it would have been better had no fixed time been set, but that it had been left to the executor to seek assistance at the place, the sooner the better.

To this no answer can be given save that which was given to the second Point concerning the dividing of the woods, to wit, that the intent and meaning of the Court is wrongly interpreted; for the dividing of the woods is remitted to the proper quarter, and the lady therefore, after coming to an agreement with me as to the term, has it in her own hands to make her arrangements; and the lady then gains in every respect the same thing which she now so bitterly complains about, namely, that it had been better if no fixed term had been set, but it had been left to the executor to seek help, the sooner the better. The alleged error rests, therefore, with the party to the suit, and not with the judge.

In the eighth Point, the lady laments that the judge assigned the dividing of the fish and fishing water to the inspection of a Hambrunge jury, which the lady thinks is a useless expense and throws no light on the matter since the fishing water is to be divided, not according to the shore, but according to the place where the nets are besides other matters which are there adduced. But since there is here no complaint as to any error in the procedure, therefore I hold strictly to the judgment which in this case as in the former has won legal confirmation, seeing, moreover, that a division could in no way be made without a preceding inspection, since two parties are in contradictoriis on the position of the nets, etc.

Ninth. Complaint is also made over the fact that the District Court made no judgment concerning the custom grain mill, but made the suggestion that it be put to rent or under management so that the income may be divided proportionaliter, it being thought that it was a suggestion to put me in a communion with the lady, from which she wishes to separate herself, she claiming that she should have the mill for four weeks, and that it then be left to my service for one week, and so on throughout the year. As to this also it is unnecessary to give any answer since no nullitatis querela [complaint as to the decree being null] is here brought forward, but in this Point also the judgment has won legal force, I for my part being unable to see any better or easier way to divide the revenue of the mill than to take a miller accustomed to work at other mills who shall have oversight of it and divide proportionately to the shareholders the fees that come in.

To divide it according to times and weeks is not the custom anywhere; nor can the profit then come to the shareholders according to their share in the mortgage, but the one may have so much grain and fees and the other none, from which many disputes could come up between the workmen. But that Wahlstrm, on behalf of the lady his principal, proposes before the District Court that I might take a discharge--this would be a thing very pleasing to the lady, if any judge gave his approval thereto. But neither the Fru Professorska nor any one else must think to give themselves any firm hope of this, that I will take a discharge in the mill or the works; for I think to retain and use what comes to me. Such a proposition as Wahlstrm's is therefore unreasonable and unthinkable.

As to the Sywalt Mill which the District Court decides shall be torn down if we could not otherwise come to agreement, in this matter the District Court has followed the law and the ordinances; and since this is a means designed for evening up and dividing, I see no error committed thereby; for management and renting out is proposed as with the other mill, but as an alternative in order to separate us from each other, that it he pulled down.

10. The lady claims expenses which I also do on my side, and that I am justified in this shall be satisfactorily shown at the proper place.

Lastly, the lady alleges that since this judgment is not confirmed by law and ordinances, but gives opportunity for long delay, so that thereby the lady may wholly succumb if no help and justice intervenes, she requesting therefore that your Excellency and the most worsh. Roy. Court will void the District Court's decree and hold the Court to the making of a judgment, and to separating us without hindrances and restraint. Here it seems that, under the appearance of longing for a division, the lady will adorn her matter as though it were her desire to make the division and to move out of the way all hindrances which may be shown on the occasion. I assented to the division, both orally and in writing, long before I was sued, and now every division that goes against her proposition is disapproved, so that all that is here aimed at is to trouble her shareholder with disputations and to take delight in the circumstance that one says that some advantageous consequence will follow in time.

As concerns the latter, your Excellency and the most worsh. Court will find from my humble explanation that no error has been committed in the procedure, but that the lady has taken the liberty of complaining about one thing or another before your Excellency and the most worsh. Roy. Court, as though the case had already been sent there by lawful appeal and procedure, and thus takes a saltus [leap] which may not be permissible; for I most humbly beg that it please your Excellency and the most worsh. Roy Court to allow the judgment to have that force which it has already gained by the fact that no appeal is made within the period of the set time; in consequence whereof, your Excellency and the most worsh. Roy. Court will he pleased to allow that the cost and trouble which the lady has unnecessarily caused me, according to the following specification, be refunded by the lady.

For the rest, I remain, with deepest respect,

Your Excellency's and the

most worsh. Roy. High Court's

most humble servant,

Emanuel Swedenborg
Stockholm,
July 5, 1726

List of Expenses

The Setting Forth and Copying of the Bill of Complaint 120:
Stamp thereto .30
Obtaining the Resolution with stamp  12 

Total, dal. K.mt. 132:30

Emanuel Swedenborg

In accordance with the instructions of the Diet of 1723, with regard to the charcoal shortage in the copper mining district, the King had ordered the College of Mines to send a commission of inquiry to Fahlun and Avesta. Bergenstierna and Swedenborg were appointed as the Commission, and they were to leave Stockholm on July 12th. This led Swedenborg to address the Court of Appeals in the following letter dated JULY 9TH, 1726:

High well-born, etc.,1

Since, on the 12th instant, in accordance with the most gracious command of his Roy. Majesty, I shall go up to Fahlun, and there, together with the Herr local Mining Judge and Herr Assessor Bergenstierna, conduct an investigation over the iron works situated in the parishes which the Fahlun copper mining works and the Avesta crown works have in supervision, therefore I wish herewith most humbly to make this known to your Excellency and the most worsh. Court of Appeal, awaiting an answer, which also in humility, I ask for, that the guerula [complaint] against the Ugglebo and Hambronge District Court, handed in by Fru Professorska Brita Behm, will not so quickly be brought to a conclusion, especially in view of the fact that the holidays are at hand, and I think I will be back again for the next court in September. I remain, with the deepest respect,

Your Excellency's, etc.,

Em. Swedenborg
Stockholm
July 9, 1726

1 In future the formal titles at the beginnings of letters, and the formal inscriptions at the end, will be omitted. Enough of them have been printed to acquaint the reader with the custom of the period in this respect.

Swedenborg came back to Stockholm on August 31st, and at once took up his work in the Bergscollegium. It was not long, however before the Behm lawsuit again engaged his attention.

On September 16th, Judge Stiernmark of the Ugglebo Court sent to the Stockholm Court of Appeal his counter-memorial presenting the reasons for his judgment; and later, Fru Behm presented to the Court her answer to Swedenborg--this time it was a very short one. Its nature will appear from Swedenborg's rebuttal, which was presented in the form of a Memorial dated
OCTOBER 4, 1726

HUMBLE MEMORIAL

The following serves as a humble answer to Professorska Fru Brita Behm's humble Memorial which was handed in loco conferentiae [in place of a conference],

1. At the dividing of the estate, it is not asserted that each separate farm should be divided into five equal parts, but that as many parts as the Fru could take upon herself may be separated from my one-fifth part.

On this point the answer has previously been given in humility that such partition cannot be instituted, for the reasons given in the judgment and in my answer. The Hchels Tuga, which is a modest farm in a village, cannot, according to law, be split up into five parts; neither can even the farm in Wi which is under mortgage. Nor is it thought that any partition can be made, unless the woods be also divided.

If it pleases the Fru that the woods which are common to the villagers and are undivided, shall be apportioned, this ought not and cannot be refused by me. It is thought that such partition should come first, because woods are the mot essential thing for a Works. But if the lady desires that the woods shall be common and undivided, but the rest, such as house and ground, be divided, from this follow many unreasonable consequences, militating both against the practice in ruining districts and against the carrying on of the Works which must have regard to the woods; for the ground and house are not used by the owners of the Works, but by peasants who do the charcoaling for the Works. If it pleases the lady that only the daily work, the charcoal and the use of the woods be subject to division this is an oeconomicum [arrangement] that comes under the jurisdiction of the Mining Court. But against this the Fru Professorska uses these words: Since the estate is not a mining estate, and is not situated either in the mining district or on any crown property held for common use, nor has any charcoal-renting in any crown lands, therefore the Mining Court has no jurisdiction over it, either as to how it shall be divided or how it shall be used. But to show how far this goes against all practice, goes against many ordinances given out time after time, and also against the instruction given by the Roy. Bergscollegium, I shall have the honor to tell what the nature and condition of these disputed properties is.

In the first place, they belong to a private Works or to the owner of the Works; they are situated in villages, like those stationed in Haeckels Tuga, Axmar and Gran; but all these tracts with all the villages in which the said estate is situated have been under the disposition of the Bergscollegium now for twenty-six years past, and, together with their charcoaling, have been subject to the Axmar Works; so that if the said estate owns nothing more, still the peasant has no freedom to carry his charcoal wheresoever he will, but, likewise in accordance with the aforesaid disposition, must send it to the Axmar Works. If then the Roy. Bergscollegium has already made disposition of the charcoaling by the villages, be it their own or not, how can their further disposition be taken away from the same forum? Should not the College have the right to divide between two conflicting shareholders the charcoal which the Roy. College has previously cut off from the next neighboring works and laid under the control of Axmar?

and this by virtue of the letter given in 1707 by King Charles XII, of glorious memory,l where the partition of the charcoal to the Axmar Works is expressly confirmed, as was also done last year by his Roy. Majesty.

1 On Feb. 6, 1707, Charles XII issued an ordinance giving to the College of Mines jurisdiction in all disputes as to charcoal rights. A like decree was issued by King Frederick on Oct. 12, 1725 (Frordningar, 566, 662).

2. As regards the dividing of the Axmar woods which the District Court remitted to its proper place, to wit, the executor, as can be clearly seen from the words themselves and also from the paragraphs that follow, the lady desires to have even clearer light as to whether the meaning is either that it belongs to the one forum or to the other. The light is indeed clear enough in the letter and in the context, provided no other beams blind the sight. It is indeed a matter I consented to both orally and in writing long before I was summoned; it is a matter which the judge has not been able to take up as a disputed matter, and wherein no judgment seems to be needed; it is a matter which I now also declare to be uncontested. If it belongs to the one forum or the other, what need is there to carry it so high? The lady has indeed the power now as before to petition the executor to ask the surveyor to institute the dividing. To argue about foris [courts] in such a matter, and to make the uncontested contested, is to dispute de lana caprina [about goat's wool]. But it is the same in this case as in all else wherein I have been summoned. I have previously consented both orally and in writing to almost everything. But then since every materia litis [subject of litigation] seems to have disappeared and to be taken away from the lady, no reflection is given to any consent or approval, but I must follow along and he involved in unnecessary quarrels, that the opponent may thus have something in hand with which to amuse himself and pass the time, and likewise to disturb the fellow shareholder. And to make his case a favorable one, he is pleased to set upon it a fair appearance with fine colors, as, that it was the lady who requested and desired the division. But since a judge can well separate the unright colors and paintings from the right, therefore I do not doubt that they who temere litigera [rashly go to law] will, in the end, be regarded in accordance with the ordinances.

As regards Points 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, I have given sufficient explanation of these in my previous humble answer, and to me it is altogether the same whether the District Court or the Mining Court decides the matter and carries out the dividing, if only I may be freed from the discomforts in which the shareholder or her counsellor finds it well constantly to hold me.

Yet it will not rest with me to enter a defence as to what ought lawfully to belong to the Mining Court's jurisdiction when this is disputed; but it is left to his Excellency and the most worsh. Roy. Court to decide in this matter, who have the best knowledge as to what belongs to the one jurisdiction or to the other, I referring in humility to what I brought forward in my former humble Memorial.

As regards the custom mill, I have nothing further to bring forward, than what has been previously brought forward, but merely beg in humility, that since the prescribed time is now passed and no appeal is asked for, the decree may have the force which the law gives it. Stockholm, Oct. 4, 1726.

Em. Swedenborg

Meanwhile a storm was brewing which centered around the person of Count Mauritz Wellingk (1651-1726) who had long been a prominent figure in Sweden's political history. In 1719, the first year of the "time of freedom," he was an ardent member of the Holstein party, the party which wished to put upon the throne of Sweden, Duke Carl of Holstein, the son of Sophia, the Duchess of Holstein, Charles XII's oldest sister. When, however, Ulrica Eleonora and Frederick were established on the throne, Wellingk, knowing their extreme desire to enlarge the royal power which had been so greatly limited by the constitution to which the King and Queen had solemnly sworn, declared himself in sympathy with this desire, and so became a prince's favorite. But to enlarge the royal power, followers were needed, and for followers, money. In 1722, for the purpose of securing this, it was asserted that Wellingk negotiated for the King a secret loan in Prussia, offering as security certain Swedish lands. Finally the King, fearing discovery, gave up his design and returned the loan, minus a considerable part which he had already spent. Later Wellingk returned to his old Hulstein party. This, of course, estranged him from the King, and in 1726 the latter, urged by the haters of the Holstein party, gave the whole correspondence to the Secret Committee of the Diet, light-heartedly excusing himself for his part in the affair. The excuse was willingly received, for here was an opportunity of finally killing the Holstein claims.

* Since Ulrica and her husband were now established on the throne, the aim of the Holstein Party was to secure to the Duke of Holstein the succession to the throne.

On October 19th, the Secret Committee represented to the House of Nobles that, in order to secure Wellingk's papers they had set guards around his house and forbidden him all communication with the outer world. This caused an immense stir, for not only did he have many friends in the house, including his son-in-law Lt. Gen. Baner, but there was naturally some sympathy with the seventy-five year old man, who had filled so large and honorable a place in the history of Sweden.

A memorial by Wellingk was read before the Diet, asking to be relieved from an arrest which was unconstitutional. His son-in-law sought to have this granted, after which a commission could be appointed to examine into the whole matter.

It was finally decided that Wellingk should be tried, meanwhile being kept under arrest. But on OCTOBER 25TH, the question arose as to whether the trial should be conducted by the Secret Committee or by a special commission. On this day Swedenborg presented his vote in writing to the House of Nobles in full session:

My inoffensive thought is that since his Excellency Riksrd2 Herr Count Wellingk, in his Memorial presented this day to the most worsh. House of Nobles, requests that his papers and documents may be left in his hands and not be opened and reviewed by others, and this for reasons and motives which the Riksrd brings forward in his memorial; therefore, since this is a matter of no little weight and consequence, and concerns not only the person of a Riksrd but likewise his correspondence with ministers and high persons in foreign lands; and, moreover, one seldom finds that any kingdom proceeds to this extremity; therefore, for my part, I hold that it would be safest that a commission of the Estates of the Realm be appointed, under the same oath of silence as is enjoined on the Secret Committee; the commission to consist of twelve persons from the House of Nobles, but among them four members of the Secret Committee, who shall examine into the matter, and work it out and submit its opinion to the House of Nobles as to whether or not and to what extent the writings and documents of Riksrd and Count Herr Wellingk should be opened and looked through by men in the same commission appointed for the purpose.